Thursday, August 31, 2023

LIFE LIVED IN PUBLIC - Mexico City Streets

LIFE LIVED IN PUBLIC - Mexico City Streets
Photographs by David Bacon

In most of the world people live much of their lives outdoors, in the street.  Mexico City is no different.  A lot happens in the street here.  Public life means not so much events for public consumption, but more life lived in the public space.

Walking through the old centro historico the first thing you see are people working.  Two men break through the asphalt for a street repair project.  People carry things - an anonymous bundle clutched to the chest, tacos being delivered for someone's lunch.  A woman in a bright red dress balances a tray of pan dulce on her head, striding down the sidewalk past the Alameda, the legs of the folded stand she'll use to set up her stall hanging from her arm. 



In the park a nanny puts a sock on the small foot of the child she cares for. A street sweeper poses with her broom.  A guard stands at attention in front of a jewelry store on the Zocalo.  How long can he keep it up?



Tired workers sleep in the street too.  An older woman takes a nap at lunchtime, the way I did in the factory years ago, grabbing a few minutes before going back to work.   Two bicycle messengers are asleep, one on a bench and another beneath it.  A line of workers sits back, some nodding out, against the building they're fixing up.  




Of course, not everyone is working.  Two older women are deep in conversation, their walking canes planted beside them, while two younger women seem a little doubtful about the words of their companion, as he guides them past one of the street obstructions around the National Palace.  Not far away, next to the cathedral, a young man puts on greasepaint in a fanciful calacas, getting ready for the next Aztec dance.



As evening starts to soften the light, a bench on the Reforma, a very public space, becomes one of temporary seclusion for two lovers - a moment together they likely can't get with family at home.  


And then a final jazz riff from the sidewalk trumpeter.



FROM SPAIN TO DELANO - THE RADICAL ROOTS OF FARMWORKER UNIONS

FROM SPAIN TO DELANO - THE RADICAL ROOTS OF FARMWORKER UNIONS
By David Bacon
Positively Filipino, 8/30/23
https://www.positivelyfilipino.com/magazine/from-spain-to-delanothe-radical-roots-of-farm-workers-unions


We can't talk about defending the human and labor rights of farm workers without talking about their history of organizing unions-and the efforts by the government to suppress them. Liberal mythology holds that farm worker unions didn't exist until the creation of United Farm Workers in the '60s and that the farm worker unions and advocacy organizations of today appeared out of nowhere, with no history of struggle that went before.

But in fact, during the 1930s Filipinos and other farm workers organized left-wing unions and huge strikes. According to Rick Baldoz, a professor at Oberlin College, "The burgeoning strike activity involving thousands of Filipinos in the mid-1930s occasioned a furious backlash from growers who worked closely with local law enforcement."

The people who fought to organize unions in the '30s, '40s and '50s on the West Coast were the same people who fought for Spain-in the same organizations, like the International Longshore and Warehouse Union, and especially ILWU Local 37. Of all the efforts to organize farm workers, the ones that were closest to the International Brigades were those of the Filipinos during those years. And the forces that later went after the Lincoln vets were the same as those that went after the farm worker unions, using the same tools: blacklisting and deportations.

Baldoz gained access to the FBI files on one of the most radical of the Filipino leaders, Carlos Bulosan. "The fact that these partisans attracted the attention of federal authorities during the Cold War is hardly surprising," he says. "Filipino workers had developed a well-earned reputation for labor militancy in the United States dating back to the early 1930s. That a considerable number of Filipinos (both from the U.S. and the Philippines) had volunteered for the International Brigades during the Spanish Civil War... only added to the perception that they were immersed in international left-wing politics."

In their history of Asian volunteers in the Spanish Civil War, Nancy and Len Tsou write: "At least 11 Filipinos went to Spain to join the International Brigades. Among them, several came from the United States. [Pedro] Penino was able to establish the Rizal Company, a part of the International Brigades named in honor of a Filipino national hero." The Tsous name the following volunteers: Manuel Lizarraga, Artemio Ortega Luna, Enrique Almenar Gabra, Modesto Ausobasa Esteban, Dimitri Gorostiaga, Eduardo Miranda Gonzales, Pedro Penino, Carlos Lopez Maestu, Mark Fajardo, Servando Acevedo Mondragon and Aquilino Belmonte Capinolio.

 

 
A group of International volunteers in Spain (L-R): a seaman from Chile; Sterling Rochester (USA); Artemio Luna Ortega (Philippines); Juan Santiago (Cuba); and Jack Shirai (Japan).

 

 
Artemio Luna Ortega was born in the Philippines, 1901. He served in the Constabulary from 1922-1925. He immigrated to the US in 1927 where he worked as a draftsman after college. He was a member of the CPUSA and FAECT. He arrived in Spain on January 14, 1937. Artemio served with ALB at Jarama, Brunete and as a guard Villa Paz. He also the joined the GTU. His fate beyond Spain is currently unknown.


Bulosan had worked as a farm laborer since his arrival in the U.S. in 1930, but after his health was destroyed by his work he tried to make a living as a journalist. "Every word is a weapon for freedom," the FBI reported him telling a colleague. In 1946, Bulosan wrote America Is in the Heart, a classic and moving account of life as a Filipino migrant farm worker during the 1930s. The FBI viewed the book as evidence of his Communist associations during the Cold War. Bulosan was hired by leaders of Local 37 of the International Longshore and Warehouse Union, Ernesto Mangaoang and Chris Mensalvas, to edit the union's yearbook in 1952. Among its many appeals for support for radical causes, it urged solidarity with the Huk movement in the Philippines, against continued U.S. imperialist domination of its former colony. 


 
Carlos Bulosan, a farm worker and later an acclaimed author, caught the attention of the FBI.


In the 1930s, Local 37 was organized by Filipinos who were the workforce in the salmon canneries on the Alaska coast. They were mostly single men, recruited to come to the U.S. from the Philippines. They were shipped to the canneries from Seattle every season, where they faced discrimination and terrible conditions. They organized Local 37 to change those conditions and forced the fish companies to sign contracts.

Until 1949, Local 37 had been part of the Congress of Industrial Organizations' (CIO) farm workers union, the United Cannery, Agricultural and Packing House Workers of America. From 1936 to 1953, the U.S. labor movement was split between the left-wing CIO and the rightwing American Federation of Labor. In 1949, as the Cold War started, the CIO expelled nine unions, including UCAPAWA and the ILWU, because of their left-wing politics and often Communist leaders.

At the height of the McCarthyite hysteria more than 30 members of Local 37 were arrested and threatened with deportation to the Philippines. Raymundo Cabanilla, a former CIO organizer, named names to the FBI, identifying fellow labor activists, including Ernesto Mangaoang, as Communists. Eventually Mangaoang's deportation case was thrown out by the courts. He argued that he couldn't be deported, given that he was a U.S. "national" when he arrived in Seattle in the 20s. "National" was a status given Filipinos because the Philippines was a U.S. colony at the time. Filipinos couldn't be considered immigrants, but they weren't quite citizens either.

Meanwhile, the Federal government tried to bankrupt Local 37 by forcing the accused workers to pay high bails and lawyers' fees. Union leaders were so tied up in legal defense that a conservative faction took control of the local. That group held it until it was thrown out in the 1980s by a new young generation of radical Filipinos, two of whom, Silme Domingo and Gene Viernes (a former farm worker) were assassinated.

UCAPAWA (renamed the Food, Tobacco and Agricultural Workers) was destroyed in the 1949 purge of the CIO, and the Filipino local in Seattle was taken in by Harry Bridges' union, becoming ILWU Local 37. It survived, and today is part of the ILWU's Inland Boatman's Union.

Today, 52 years after the historic 1965 Delano grape strike, it is important to reexamine this history, especially the radical career of Larry Itliong, who headed the Agricultural Workers Organizing Committee (AWOC). Itliong not only shared leadership with Cesar Chavez but actually started the strike. He had a long history as an organizer. 

 

 
Labor leaders Larry Itliong (left) and Cesar Chavez (Right) at the Delano Grape Strike (Source: CAAM.org)


Itliong was Ernesto Mangaoang's protégé. In the late 1940s, he was Local 37's dispatcher, sending workers on the boats from Seattle to the Alaska salmon canneries. After the salmon season was over, many Filipinos would return home to California's Salinas and San Joaquin Valleys, where they worked as farm laborers for the rest of the year. In the segregated barrios of towns like Stockton and Salinas they organized hometown associations and social clubs. Itliong used these networks to organize Filipinos when they went to work in the fields. Along with Chris Mensalvas, at the time Local 37 president, Itliong organized a strike in Stockton's asparagus fields in 1949.

Once the left-wingers lost power in the union, however, its conservative leaders stopped its farm worker organizing drives. Still, in the early 1950s Filipino farm workers continued to organize. Ernesto Galarza (author of "Merchants of Labor") started the National Farm Labor Union, which struck the giant DiGiorgio Corporation, then California's largest grower. In 1959 the Agricultural Workers Organizing Committee (AWOC) was set up by the merged AFL-CIO. After hiring Itliong as an organizer because of his history among Filipino workers, AWOC used flying squads of pickets to mount quick strikes. In 1962, it struck the Imperial Valley lettuce harvest, demanding $1.25 per hour.

The grape strike started in Delano on September 8, 1965, when Filipino pickers walked off the fields. Mexican workers joined them two weeks later. The strike went on for five years, until all California table grape growers were forced to sign contracts in 1970. The strike was a watershed struggle for civil and labor rights, supported by millions of people across the country, breathing new life into the labor movement and opening doors for immigrants and people of color. 

 

 
Filipino workers on strike (Source: Harvey Richards Media Archive)


California's politics have changed profoundly in these 52 years, in large part because of that strike. Delano's mayor today is a Filipino. That would have been unthinkable in 1965, when growers treated the town as a plantation. Children of farm worker families have become members of the state legislature. Last year they spearheaded passage of a law that requires the same overtime pay for farm workers as for all other workers-the first state to pass such a law.

The 1965 Delano grape strike did not, however, start in Delano. It was in the Coachella Valley, near the Mexican border where California's grape harvest begins, that Filipino workers struck the vineyards that summer. They won a 40¢/hour wage increase from grape growers and forced authorities to drop charges against arrested strikers. The Coachella strike was organized by Larry Itliong. After the grape harvest moved north to Delano, he and the Filipino workers of AWOC walked out again.

The timing of the 1965 strike was not accidental. It took place the year after Galarza, Bert Corona, Cesar Chavez, and other civil rights and labor activists forced Congress to repeal Public Law 78 and end the bracero contract labor program, under which growers brought workers from Mexico under tightly controlled, almost slave-like conditions. Farm worker leaders acted after the law's repeal, because once the program was ended growers could no longer bring braceros into the U.S. to break strikes.

The Delano strike was a movement of immigrant workers. To organize farm labor, both Filipinos and Mexicans wanted to keep growers and the government from using immigration policy against them. In ending the bracero program, they sought instead immigration policies favoring families and communities. In the 1965 immigration reform they established family reunification as a basic principle of immigration policy. This enabled thousands of people, especially family members of farm workers, to come from the Philippines, Mexico and other developing countries.

The Delano strike was not spontaneous or unexpected. It was a product of decades of worker organizing and earlier farm worker strikes. Many Filipino workers in Coachella and Delano were members of ILWU Local 37 in 1965, when the grape strike began. Every year they still traveled from the San Joaquin Valley (where Delano is located) to the Alaska fish canneries. Through the end of their lives, they were often active members of both Local 37 and the United Farm Workers.

Cold war fears of communism were strong in the 1960s-one reason why the contributions of Itliong and the Filipinos were obscured. The strike in Delano owes much to Cesar Chavez, Dolores Huerta, Gilbert Padilla, and other Chicano and Mexican leaders who came out of earlier community organizing movements. But the left-wing leadership of Itliong, Philip Veracruz and other rank-and-file Filipino workers was equally important.

Chavez willingly acknowledged that the NFWA hadn't intended to strike in 1965. The decision to act was made by left-wing Filipinos, a product of their history of militant fights against growers. Their political philosophy saw the strike as the fundamental weapon to win better conditions. And it was a decision made by workers on the ground, not by leaders or strategists far away.

Growers had pitted Mexicans and Filipinos against each other for decades. The alliance between Itliong's AWOC and the Cesar Chavez-led National Farm Workers Association (NFWA) was a popular front alliance of workers who had, in many cases, different politics. AWOC's members had their roots in the red UCAPAWA. NFWA's roots were in the Community Service Organization (CSO), which was sometimes hostile to Communists. Yet both organizations were able to find common ground and support each other during the strike, eventually forming the UFW.

 

 
Fred Abad and Pete Velasco, Filipino veterans of the United Farm Workers and the Agricultural Workers Organizing Committee. (Photo by David Bacon, Special Collections in Stanford University's Green Library)


Strikers in Delano developed close friendships. Cesar Chavez's son Paul recalls the way the older Filipino men looked at him and other children of Mexican strikers as their own family. Most of the Filipinos were single men, because anti-miscegenation laws prohibited them from marrying non-Filipinas, and the immigration of women from the Philippines was limited until the late 1960s. In the wake of the grape strike, the UFW and scores of young activists from California cities built a retirement home for them in Delano, Paolo Agbayani Retirement Village, to honor their contribution.

Philip Vera Cruz, a Filipino grape picker who became a vice-president of the UFW and later left over disagreements with Chavez, wrote during the strike's fourth year: "The Filipino decision of the great Delano Grape Strike delivered the initial spark to explode the most brilliant incendiary bomb for social and political changes in U.S. rural life." 

 

 
Philip Vera cruz, a Filipino grape picker, was one of the initial leaders of the Delano Grape Strike.


Liberal mythology has hidden the true history of the grape strike's connection to some of the most radical movements in the country's labor history. The contribution of that generation of Filipino radicals, including some who went to Spain, should be honored- not just because they helped make history, but because their political and trade union ideas are as relevant to workers today as they were in 1965. Those ideas, which they kept alive through the worst years of the Cold War, led to a renaissance of farm worker organizing that is still going on.

This article was first published in "The Volunteer," February 27, 2018: https://albavolunteer.org/2018/02/human-rights-column-from-spain-to-delano-the-radical-roots-of-farm-workers-unions/

Sunday, August 27, 2023

WAITING FOR REFUGE IN MEXICO CITY - Mexico City Streets

WAITING FOR REFUGE IN MEXICO CITY - Mexico City Streets
by David Bacon
On the Line - The Progressive - August 24, 2023
https://progressive.org/magazine/waiting-for-refuge-in-mexico-city-bacon-20230824/

A Haitian refugee shows her frustration at not being able to reach her destination.


With all the attention on the detention centers on the border, U.S. media rarely if ever acknowledges that camps of migrants and displaced people exist all over Mexico.  In documenting the impact of U.S. border policy on Mexico, I took these photographs in a settlement of Haitian migrants, who had been living for a month in Giordano Bruno Plaza in Colonia Juarez, in downtown Mexico City.  

Over a hundred families were heading for the border after a long journey from Haiti when they realized that they would not be able to cross, or that if they tried and were unsuccessful in getting asylum (since hardly any Haitians do) they would be deported back to Haiti.  In May alone over 4000 Haitians were put on the deportation planes by the U.S. government.

The Mexican government and the government of the city provide some minimal services to the Haitians, who were debating whether they should stay in Mexico.  There is a process, albeit cumbersome, in which they can apply for permission to stay and work.  

Next to the Haitian encampment is a planton, or occupy-style protest camp, set up by Otomi indigenous people and the association "United for Farmer and Indigenous Rights."  Some years before they had occupied an abandoned building and then were expelled.  Refusing to leave they began living on the sidewalk outside, demanding decent housing and protesting gentrification.  Their long-established camp provided the Haitians a place to wash.

The neighborhood authorities who maintain the plaza have painted on a wall behind the migrant tents, "Amor es el vinculo de vinculos" or "Love is the bond of all bonds."  It is an ironic statement, given the world's (and especially the US') hostility to migrants, but it is also a statement that the people of this neighborhood have given them the use of their neighborhood park as a place to rest.  

The statement itself comes from Giordano Bruno, a revolutionary monk of the early Renaissance, burned at the stake in Rome's Piazza de Fiori in 1600 for asserting that the earth was not the center of the universe.  He is considered a hero of scientific and free thought.  Bruno spent most of his life as a migrant and refugee, much like the Haitians, fleeing the Inquisition, before he was finally captured.  Bruno's statement of his mystical vision refers to the chapter in the Bible, Colossians 3:14:  "And above all these things, clothe yourselves with love, which is the bond of unity."

Returning a few weeks later, I found most of the Haitians had left.  According to Josias Termot, they'd gone to the border, and some had been able to cross.  Others were now living in the Casa del Migrante, a refugee shelter managed by the Cuauhtemoc local government a few blocks away.  Many were without work, however, and during the day returned to the plaza to hang out with a new group of migrants from Venezuela, who'd just arrived. 

Gina washes clothes in a bucket.

 
Berlande cooks for her family.

 
Neika is just trying to live as normal a life as she can on the road.

 
Fabienne cooks for her family.

 
Families in the camp's tents cook their food for lunch.

 
"Amor es el vinculo de los vinculos"

 
Josias Termot is a leader of the camp community.

 
Katia cooks for her family.

 
Katia cooks for her family.

 
Peeling garlic.

 
Sleeping on the sidewalk.

 
Next to the camp of the Haitians is a protest planton of Otomi indigenous people, who offer washing and other services to the Haitians.

 
Two Haitian men ask to use the bathroom in the planton of Otomi.

 
Daniel Alejandro Medina says he is from Westminster and wants to go back.

 
Michelle Medina nurses her baby Salome Comenal, and Milagros Tovar holds a Venezuelan flag, while a group of Haitian men look on.

 
The doorway of a church provides refuge.

Saturday, August 26, 2023

ONLY A SOCIAL MOVEMENT CAN WIN REAL IMMIGRATION REFORM

ONLY A SOCIAL MOVEMENT CAN WIN REAL IMMIGRATION REFORM
By David Bacon
The Nation, 8/29/23

 
Marchers leave Petaluma on their 3-day trek to San Francisco.

At the beginning of the 1990s, Sahuayo, a small city of factories and craftspeople near Michoacan's Lake Chapala, could not provide enough work to support its growing population. People had been leaving Michoacan for years, seeking jobs in the maquiladoras on the border, or in the fields of California's San Joaquin Valley. But as the North American Free Trade Agreement went into effect, the Mexican government devalued the peso, and a new wave of Sahuayenses were thrown into the migrant stream.

One of them was Patricia Garibay. Her sister and brothers had come north, and at 16 she followed in their footsteps. But while Patricia was able to get residence status, her siblings      could not. "More than half their lives have been here - over 30 years," she says. During that time they've been unable to return to Michoacan to see their family. Her sister died here in El Norte, without papers. "Like many others, our family was divided. If the law doesn't change, they'll never be able to go back."

Garibay found domestic work in Sonoma County, and went on to care and clean for families for the next 30 years. Media stereotypes may lead some to believe that only the rich employ domestic workers. In a world of privatized healthcare, though, these mostly-women laborers, like Garibay, provide essential care for the disabled, for older women and men with no families of their own, and for many who simply can't care for themselves.  

According to Renee Saucedo, organizer of the Almas Libres domestic worker collective in Sonoma County, thousands of women doing this work in California are undocumented. Jen Myzel employs domestic workers like Garibay, and is an outspoken advocate for them in marches and demonstrations.. She believes they deserve legal status for the valuable work they do.

Garibay and Myzel were among several hundred immigrant rights activists who gathered at the beginning of August in Petaluma's Walnut Park, in Sonoma County's wine country. After listening to a few speeches and cheering on the local troupe of Aztec dancers, they set off on a 3-day march to San Francisco's Federal Building. Their goal was to win support for a bill that could make a profound difference in the life of Garibay's family. "I'm fighting for them," she says.

HR 1511, "Renewing Immigration Provisions of the Immigration Act of 1929," is breathtaking in its simplicity. It just changes a date: January 1, 1972. Today, anyone who entered the U.S. without a visa before that date can apply for legal permanent residence--the "green card. After five years as a legal resident, they can then apply for U.S. citizenship. This registry process is contained in Section 249 of the Immigration and Nationality Act, and the date has been changed four times - from 1921 to 1924, 1940, 1948, and finally 1972. 

 


Lucy Madrigal came from Washington State, where she is a candidate for city council in Mount Vernon, to participate in the march to San Francisco.

Unfortunately, for the estimated 11 million undocumented immigrants living in U.S. communities, only a tiny handful qualify under the current registry date. That population is aging out. If someone came to the U.S. just before 1972, at the age of 20, that person would be over 70 now. From 2015 to 2019, only 305 got legal status this way. "No one really knows how many have come since that 1972 date," says Saucedo, who helped set up the Northern California Coalition for Just Immigration Reform. "Ninety percent of currently undocumented people is probably an underestimate."

Known as the Registry Bill, HR 1511 would allow anyone in the country for seven years to apply for a green card. Instead of establishing a new fixed date, a person could set the legalization process into motion seven years after they crossed the border.

"Seven years recognizes that by then a person has shown they're rooted in this country and community," explains Angelica Salas, executive director of the Coalition for Humane Immigration Reform in Los Angeles, which helps coordinate the national campaign for the bill. "Seven years demonstrates a commitment," she says, "the same timeframe that legitimizes a common law marriage."

Another activist pushing for the bill, Emma Delgado, a leader of Mujeres Unidas y Activas (United and Active Women) explains, "I haven't seen my children in many years because there is currently no way for me to apply for legal residency." She called the family separation produced by current immigration law "immoral."

The Petaluma-San Francisco march, organized by the Northern California Coalition and supported by a handful of local immigrant rights advocates, was one of a dozen around the country. People also walked from Silicon Valley to San Francisco in a similar 3-day trek. Other marches were one-day events. Some were followed by a day in which immigrant workers stayed home from their jobs.

The cities that mounted marches - Houston, Denver, San Diego, Washington DC and six others - all have large communities of undocumented people. While the organizers' ultimate target may be Congress, their immediate purpose was mobilizing undocumented people themselves to act independently in their own interest. That makes this movement akin to the huge immigrant rights marches of 2006.

 
Alfredo Juarez, from Bellingham, Washington, marches with the poster announcing the march for the Registry Bill.

"Our whole goal is to inform and unite our community," says Melanie Laplander, of Latinos Associated Together Informing Networking and Outreaching in Minneapolis, part of a network mounting these grassroots actions around the country. Saucedo says she underestimated the willingness of undocumented people to march for three days. "Eight million people would get status with this bill," Saucedo explains. "Of course, we want it for all 11-12 million, but it's the best we've seen in decades. It doesn't pit people against each other by covering only certain groups, and there's no exchange of legalization for E-Verify, guest worker visas or beefing up the border."

Salas recounted a meeting of CHIRLA leaders in Los Angeles in the summer of 2021, in which she asked people to raise their hands if they would be eligible for legalization under the more limited proposals of the last several years. Each time she asked, only a fraction of the group indicated they might qualify. But when she explained the proposal to change the Registry date, and asked who would gain status if that became law, everyone in the room raised their hands.

The marches, like the registry bill itself, mark a change in the way immigrant rights activists believe legalization can be achieved. For forty years, immigration reform proposals have followed the pattern set by the Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986 (IRCA). That bill contained a strategic compromise, intended to win over right-wing Republicans and anti-immigrant legislators of both parties.

IRCA began the militarization of the border, leading to today's private detention centers. For the first time, the law made it illegal for an employer, like Myzel, to hire an undocumented person, like a domestic worker. For people without papers, making work illegal also made them very vulnerable to employer abuse. At the same time, IRCA reinstituted contract labor visas. Last year, growers filled over 370,000 jobs with temporary workers brought to work in U.S. fields using that system. In exchange, immigrants got a legalization that ultimately allowed 2.7 million people to normalize their status. Republican President Ronald Reagan signed the bill.

Every major comprehensive immigration reform bill since then has embodied the same tradeoff: enforcement against the undocumented and migrants at the border, plus more guest workers, for very limited legalization. The tradeoffs sought to make reform palatable to fearful legislators. Every such bill failed.

"Not only did we not get legalization," Saucedo charges, "but the worst parts of those bills became our reality on the ground - raids, mass deportations, detention prisons and divided families. Today we have enforcement we never even dreamed possible in the 90s. How could anyone expect to get a significant number of the undocumented to take risks to build a movement, for proposals that were causing them harm?" 

 
Before the Registry Bill March starts out from Petaluma, immigrant activists hold the banner at a rally calling for passage of the legislation.

At the same time, disagreement in immigrant communities has grown over proposals that would provide legalization for some people, but not others. The Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA), an executive order issued by President Obama, enabled students brought to the U.S. as children to get a provisional form of legal status. Their parents, however, remained as undocumented as ever. The failed Farm Workforce Modernization Act sought to provide legal status for farmworkers, and other bills promised it for essential workers as a reward for their dangerous labor during the pandemic.

The compromise strategy began to fall apart when Joe Biden was elected President. He promised a broad legalization during his campaign, and progressives in Congress took him at his word. Salas worked with the Biden transition team, putting together an agenda. The key was changing the registry date, and she and her colleagues tried to get it into Biden's U.S. Citizenship Act, without success. "But it was important to show legislators a way to transform our system, and make it humane and functional, instead of concentrating on incarceration and deportation," she recalls

They tried again with the original Build Back Better bill. "It was there, in the first iteration. If there had been a vote on it, registry change would have passed. We were so close." But the vote didn't happen. "Not only did everything fall apart, but registry was used as the excuse for not going forward - that the bill wouldn't get past the [Senate] Parliamentarian. Registry was stripped out overnight. After the devastation of that moment, we knew we had to have a bill that would deal with registry alone."

Some proposals called for "earned legalization," derisively referred to as "parole" by many activists, in which undocumented people would face a decade-long tortuous process giving people only a provisional status, while eliminating millions of potential applicants. "We don't want temporary programs," Salas emphasizes. "We want access directly to green cards. There are more and more programs now with a quasi-legal, temporary worker status, but we have to talk about the longevity of our people's presence here. It's our country already."

According to Salas, three Congress members drove the proposals for including registry - Zoe Lofgren (D-San Jose, CA), Norma Torres (D-Ontario, CA) and Lou Correa (D-Anaheim, CA). They introduced a registry bill in July 2022, and reintroduced it as HR 1511 this March. Today, that bill has 64 cosponsors, all Democrats. Two more joined the day after the Petaluma and San Jose marches reached the Federal Building. On July 27, 2023 California Senator Alex Padilla introduced a companion bill in the Senate, S 2606.

"Anything you can do to convince lawmakers about the importance of this bill is helpful," Rep. Lofgren told the marchers. "I appreciate the walkers and all those who continue to fight for the rights of our immigrant community. Count on me to continue the fight in Congress!"

 
Members of a local Aztec dance group give the marchers a blessing before they set out.

Supporting registry change makes sense in Congressman Jesus "Chuy" Garcia's Chicago district, where 41 percent of the people are non-citizens. "Nearly 300,000 of my constituents have lived and raised families in the U.S. for decades," he says. "Updating the Registry law will help restore basic safety and dignity for immigrants who have been contributing to our communities for a long time."

In meantime, however, the undocumented especially face a growing wave of anti-immigrant legislation. SB 1718, for instance, passed by the Florida legislature and signed by Gov. De Santis in July, penalizes employers for hiring undocumented people. It invalidates out-of-state drivers licenses for immigrants while making it a felony for anyone to give a ride to a person without papers. Hospitals must ask about immigration status and detained immigrants must provide DNA samples.

Grassroots activists like Saucedo and Laplander believe that fighting for the registry bill is a way to mobilize communities in their own defense, giving them something to fight for as well as fight against. "Politicians say they want to get rid of the 14th Amendment, and take away the citizenship of our children," Laplander says. "The laws are completely against us. Look at the barbed wire and inhumanity at the border. We have to inform our people of the danger we're in, to unite and protect each other."

For Saucedo, only a grassroots movement that starts in undocumented communities will be able to defeat these attacks, and at the same time force consideration of real reform, like the Registry bill. "It has to involve public actions, three-day walks every month, civil disobedience - that level of activity," she says, "to make the country feel uncomfortable. Undocumented people have to share how their lives are impacted, that no one should be separated from children or elderly parents. We've learned from the labor and African American civil rights movements that it takes great urgency and resistance and sacrifice to make mainstream decision-makers shift."

Salas, with a long history of working inside Washington's halls of power, challenges the idea that a Republican majority in the House and weak support from many Democrats dooms the Registry Bill. "The more people who are involved, the better chance we have," she urges. "Think of all the millions of U.S. citizens who have immigrant parents, and how many have had their fathers or mothers deported. All over the country, immigrant workers are a big part of the workforce. They're all part of a base that can force change. So, we can't depend on political winds or what people tell us is possible. We have to be tenacious for what's just and righteous." 


Renee Saucedo speaks at a rally at the San Francisco Federal Building at the end of the march.

Sunday, August 13, 2023

A JOURNEY THROUGH IMAGES / UN VIAJE A TRAVES DE LAS IMAGENES

 Español abajo.

A JOURNEY THROUGH IMAGES
By Alberto del Castillo Troncoso
Afterword to the book, More Than a Wall/Mas que un muro, by David Bacon
Ojarasca, supplement to La Jornada, Mexico CIty, August 2023
https://issuu.com/lajornadaonline/docs/ojarasca_316

 
Richmond, California - 2018
Lourdes Barraza and one of her daughters, outside the West County Detention Center where her husband Fernando was being held for deportation.
Lourdes Barraza y una de sus hijas, afuera del Centro de Detención del Condado Oeste, en donde su esposo Fernando estaba detenido para ser deportado.



Documentary photography occupies a very important place in the history of photography. Toward the end of the 19th century, Jacob Riis (How the Other Half Lives) showed the terrible living conditions of immigrants and at the beginning of the 20th century Lewis Hine depicted child exploitation in the United States-presumably the land of progress and prosperity. Documentary photographers have long been aware of the enormous contribution the language of images can make when placed in the public eye.

David Bacon has worked with images as vehicles for consciousness in his effort to show the working conditions and exploitation of immigrants and other groups in the United States and Mexico since the mid-1980s. This determination is part of his activism and work in defense of labor rights on both sides of the border. Through the solidarity he has created with workers and migrants, he has been able to build the empathy necessary to carry out his work, which is unique for the respect and closeness he achieves with these groups, his affirmation of their political struggles and personal identities, and his going beyond the merely descriptive record of their lives to produce images and essays of a great aesthetic and documentary richness.

This book illustrates how Bacon, in his portrayal of the border over more than 3 decades, incorporates not just the physical presence of migrants but also their voices. Indeed, this intimate dialogue between photography and oral history is one of the most significant elements of his work, giving him a personal signature that distinguishes him from others. He is an artist committed to political activism who creates a harmonious relationship between the images and the texts he writes, which have sometimes been published as pieces of photojournalism, but which also culminated in photographic books and exhibitions.

The 413 images published in this book, made between 1985 and 2018, are the result of an intense process of review and editing by the author from a universe of almost 20,000 images. The photographs chosen are intertwined with a visual narrative that leaves no room for anonymity as it chronicles a succession of real conditions in people's lives, turning them into active subjects who defy oppression and are not merely passive victims of circumstances and repression. The photos focus on human beings, with first and last names, who generally are invisibilized by the powerful and the media but who in these pages reclaim their voice and intimacy as their unique and distinctive features are put on display.

This book shows the influence of classic documentary photographers such as Walker Evans, Dorothea Lange, and Eugene Smith, who chronicled the poverty of segments of the American population in the 1930s, 1940s, and 1950s. Collectively they created one of the most influential portrait galleries in the history of documentary photography. Other recognizable influences are the work of the German American couple Hansel Mieth and Otto Hagel from the 1930s into the 1960s, as well as more contemporary photographers such as Milton Rogovin, who documented several working-class communities in New York state, and Don Bartletti and his important photojournalistic record of the border. Bacon's work also has echoes and resonances from the work of great Mexican documentary photographers such as Tina Modotti, Elsa Medina, Eniac Martínez, Marco Antonio Cruz, Antonio Turok, and Pedro Valtierra, perceptive professionals who over the decades have captured both the identity and the concrete circumstances surrounding the lives and deaths of migrants and their families, as well as other social movements.

Bacon's images, like those of these photographers, are not limited to being social commentary. His photos use framing and composition to create a distinctive aesthetic, sometimes achieved with telephoto shots and others with a wide-angle lens. "I am a man of extremes," says Bacon with irony in an interview with the author of this epilogue, showing a personal interpretation of reality that identifies him as a creator with a particular vision of the world building his own universe.

This aesthetic is the result of moving beyond the idea of a photo archive to other approaches, such as exhibitions and the publication of photo books, which involve patient editing and a selection of themes for each specific project. This allows us to put aside the photographs considered the result of "circumstance"-a product of the Bressonian "decisive moment"-and instead investigate and explore the world of processes and examine the thinking that drives the creator's work, to try to understand his aim and intent.

In this particular journey, the photographer looks at both sides of the border and collects the life stories of immigrants as well as their community and work experiences, crossed as they are by important struggles of resistance we learn about throughout the book. One such case is that of Gervasio Peña, from the town of Santiago Naranjas in the Oaxacan Mixteca, who crossed the border in 1986 when he was 18 years old only to discover that in the California towns of Graton and Forestville the care and preservation of fruit were valued more than the workers' own lives. Or the story of Maria Pozar, a Purépecha immigrant who lives with her daughters Jacqueline and Leslie in North Shore along the Salton Sea. The family hugs and smiles despite the constant dust storms intermixed with fertilizers and pollution that provoke constant nosebleeds and other bodily ailments.

The visual narrative of this book gives context to these stories and many others. Still, it does much more than simply illustrate them as it creates its own environment and constructs a variety of social imaginaries that allow other interpretations of the border and migration.

Such is the case of the series of photographs dedicated to the wall, which show the imposing metal security fence cutting the frames horizontally, achieving a sensation of movement through the interplay of contrast, light, and shadows, being crossed above or below ground by migrants, or flowing into the Pacific Ocean, near Tijuana, and serving as backdrop for all sorts of interventions and appropriations of high symbolic content. Some of the images depict the crosses and floral offerings installed in homage to and remembrance of the dead, as seen in the portrait of Ramsés Barrón-Torres, a young man of 17 killed by the Border Patrol in Mexican territory, near Nogales, Sonora; other photos show the number sequences used by US agents to control and identify the sections and areas where people will try to cross; and then there are the evocative signs and graffiti that ironically allude to the so-called American dream and allow us to rethink its meaning with disturbing phrases such as "This is where dreams turn into nightmares."

An important theme is that of deportees and their families. These are the portraits of people who have been expelled from the United States and who are photographed on the Mexican side of the border, in their new life circumstances, living in modest encampments, hotels, and shelters, if not wandering the streets of cities in northern Mexico, facing, day after day, the precariousness of their surroundings, including great vulnerability to poverty and violence.

Tragedy is seen through individual narratives, with subjects identified by their full names. Because of how people's faces and body language are captured as well as the outstanding quality of the photos, some of these images-such as the portrait of Lourdes Barraza and her daughter and those of Mario and Liliana, all at the detention center in Richmond, California-can almost be seen as studio portraits, designed and taken with a rigorous control over light, speed, and exposure. However, they actually were produced as events were taking place in detention centers, thus demonstrating the mastery acquired by the author over decades and his ability to create the emotional ties and empathy to create images with remarkable human depth and aesthetic content. These images could be hung on the walls of any museum, but in this case are a form of expression of photography at the service of a political cause.

This is no minor point. As noted above, these elements help create the conditions for photographic works that show a deep sense of respect that is reflected in the high quality of the resulting images. Like Nacho López and Mariana Yampolsky, Bacon is able to overcome stereotypes, in this case those that surround migration, and brings us closer to the true human face of migrants.

The photographer says these types of images are intended to document not only the real struggles of people, but to be used in other places and contexts to inspire others in organizing their own efforts to confront and try to halt this competitive, unequal, and inhumane system in a spirit of solidarity.

The series of close-ups of migrants' faces and hands on both sides of the border deserves special attention. Some of these photographs were captured through the holes and interstices of the same wall that separates the two countries, harnessing the contrast between the interlaced bars of the fence and the faces and gestures of people and families. Such was the case of Catalina Céspedes, who made a long journey from Santa Monica, Cohetzala, in the state of Puebla, to Tijuana just to be able touch the body of her daughter Florita, as was that of Adriana Arzola, who brought her new baby, Nayeli, so her family on the American side could meet and hug her for the first time.

And simply showing the cracked hands of workers demonstrates the many years of exploitation they have undergone, but also their struggle and dignity. Such was the case of the inhabitants of the Desierto del Diablo in Sonora; of María Martínez and Alfredo Murrieta, the latter a descendant of the legendary bandit Joaquín Murrieta, who tried to oppose the dispossession of California by the U.S. invaders in 1848; and the images of Clifford Brumley in the Imperial Valley, showing the loss of parts of two fingers and a thumb to frostbite one winter. The absence of faces and the close-up framing of hands renew the traditional canons of portraiture, very much in the style of the 1930s avant-garde, creating documentary photographs that occupy an important place in the history of the medium.

These photos-which are emotionally and politically charged-all showcase the testimonial nature of important moments in a powerful micro-history that otherwise would not have the same kind of impact in the public square.

Such images showcase political situations with significant symbolic power, thus revealing the nature of migration in recent history as a space of interchange involving political struggle. Examples of this include the homage paid in Tijuana to the 43 students who disappeared from the Ayotzinapa Normal School in Guerrero; the demonstration in the city of Matamoros, Tamaulipas, in solidarity with the Popular Assembly of the Peoples of Oaxaca in 2006; the solidarity demonstrations in a small community of Tamaulipas in support of the Zapatista National Liberation Army; and the images of protests in Gómez Palacio, Durango, in support of the struggle of mothers and relatives of the disappeared women of Ciudad Juárez.

A key part of this photographer's quest is achieved by setting his activist's gaze to explore and question the multiple realities of Mexico. Again, these are not the kinds of snapshots you get in passing, but rather thought-out narratives telling stories that would be unimaginable without the context of the author's political work, where he has fostered prior contacts with people to gain their trust and confidence. Such is the case of Francisco Ortiz's family, whom we meet during various visits with his children, and his grandmother Isabel-the matriarch of the family-in an extraordinary portrait that captures her powerful face, lined with wrinkles and fixed with a look of sadness that confronts us all. Then there is Francisco himself, who poses with one of his children inside the tiny room that makes up his home, both sitting on their beds, staring at the photographer, next to the stove and the rest of the run-down furniture. There also is the photo essay on the strike by workers of the Han Young maquiladora, who are seen from various angles fighting to organize an independent union, and the grim portraits of the so-called "special forces," repressive groups that provide illegal protection to the authorities to break the strike with absolute impunity.

A thought-provoking image distills this story. Miguel Ángel Solórzano, one of the young strikers, stands extending his thin arms and hands forward as if they were pincers of a broken machine. The caption informs us that he suffered several fractures in his right arm in a workplace accident and that he was nevertheless forced to return to work well before he should have. The traditional conventions of the genre of this kind of photo are transformed by the power and aim of this masterful portrait, turning it into what Didi Huberman calls a "confronting" image-that is, a photograph that troubles and challenges us.

One of the greatest accomplishments of this book is its reinvigoration of the photography of indigenous people. Such photography, especially in the Mexican case, has often victimized indigenous groups and objectified them as passive subjects incapable of changing their conditions. Bacon's vision is exemplified by the case of María Ortiz's family, Triqui migrants from the Mixteca Oaxaqueña, who confront injustices in the San Quintín Valley in Baja California and organize a strike using spaces such as that provided by the Binational Front of Indigenous Organizations (Frente Indígena de Organizaciones Binacionales). Bacon's lens follows them in solidarity on the streets, in the fields, and at the negotiation tables. He also accompanies them inside their homes and gives us details of their daily lives. The most important sign of this intimacy is found in a poetic image in which, next to a frying pan and spoons that hang from a modest wooden wall, you can see some of the love poems family members have written by hand. One of them tenderly says, "Where do you come from? From heaven. And who are you looking for? For my sorrows. And what do you bring? I bring solace. And what is your name? Love."

Thus, politics and daily life are seen in a harmonious manner in the set of images making up this part of the photographic essay, showing Triqui men and women fighting for their dignity, disregarding the stereotypes that conventional photography of indigenous people has used to objectify them for at least a century and a half.

One more genre reshaped by the author's lens is the landscape portrait, particularly in the case of the Salton Sea, whose waters continue to recede. The lake, fed by agricultural runoff, has high salinity and is polluted with fertilizers and other chemicals. This means that a beach that once housed trees and welcomed birds from elsewhere has turned into a desert of hard, cracked sand. Bacon's raw images of this place, with close-ups of dead fish that look like fossils trapped in the ground, ironically seem to question the conventional rules of landscape portraiture and show the viewer a milieu where places are devastated by the pollution caused by the same unjust and inequitable system that causes thousands of human beings to live in misery. True to his book's goals to focus on the portrayal of human beings, the photographer presents a series of images of various people who inhabit the area and who have had to deal with the effects of this pollution. These images, rather than just depicting people suffering the effects of this disaster, instead show humans who are battling, and who are living life and enjoying their family ties and affections, as they confront an aggressive and daunting environment.

As Bacon himself points out in this book, the uniqueness of these images is what enables their universality. Migrants' and workers' particular approach to the resistance struggle and dignity under very specific circumstances allows us to interpret these images differently and recognize them as part a global puzzle that includes other conflictive places, from the migration of people in Libya and Honduras to the increasingly dangerous journey to cross from Africa to Europe through the border of death that the Mediterranean Sea has become.

This overview has suggested possible interpretations of a complex photographic undertaking, one encompassing the decades of experience of an artist with a clear professional and political commitment who has employed a diversity of angles and approaches, ranging from portraiture to landscapes, using various genres and themes that, above all, forcefully document the enormous transformative power of images.



UN VIAJE A TRAVES DE LAS IMAGENES
Por Alberto del Castillo Troncoso
Epilogo al libro, More Than a Wall/Mas que un muro
Ojarasca, suplemento a La Jornada, Ciudad de Mexico, Agosto de 2023
https://issuu.com/lajornadaonline/docs/ojarasca_316

 
Tijuana, Baja California - 2017
Catalina Céspedes, quien vino desde Santa Mónica, Cohetzala en Puebla, para encontrarse con sus familiares del otro lado del muro, mete su dedo por un agujero en la cerca para poder tocar a su hija Florita Gálvez, en el otro lado.
Catalina Cespedes, who came from Santa Monica, Cohetzala in Puebla to meet her family members on the other side of the wall, puts her finger through a hole in the fence so that she can touch her daughter Florita Galvez, on the other side.



La fotografía documental ocupa uno de los lugares más relevantes en la historia de la fotografía. Desde sus inicios, a finales del siglo XIX, con trabajos como los de Lewis Hine sobre las condiciones de explotación infantil, o el de Jacob Riis, que se atrevió a averiguar cómo vivía la otra mitad de los migrantes que habían arribado a Estados Unidos, la supuesta tierra del progreso y la prosperidad, los profesionales de la lente han sido conscientes de la enorme aportación que puede tener el lenguaje de las imágenes cuando se colocan en el espacio público.

David Bacon ha abordado las imágenes como vehículos de la conciencia en su labor de mostrar las condiciones de trabajo y la explotación de los migrantes y otros grupos en Estados Unidos y en México desde mediados de la década de 1980. Este trabajo ha formado parte de su activismo y de su tarea en defensa de los derechos de los trabajadores en ambos lados de la frontera. La solidaridad con trabajadores y migrantes le ha permitido construir las condiciones de empatía para la realización de su quehacer, el cual se caracteriza por el respeto y la cercanía con estos grupos, la reivindicación de sus luchas políticas, pero también de sus identidades personales y la voluntad de ir más allá del registro meramente descriptivo de sus vidas para elaborar imágenes y ensayos con una gran riqueza estética y documental.

En esta nueva obra y desde el mismo título, Bacon asume que su labor de retratar la frontera durante 30 años incorpora no sólo la presencia, sino también la voz de los migrantes. En efecto, este diálogo estrecho entre la fotografía y la historia oral representa uno de los elementos más relevantes de su obra, que lo distingue de otros colegas y le proporciona un sello específico, esto es, la impronta de un autor dedicado al activismo político y que desde ahí desarrolla una relación armoniosa entre las imágenes y los textos escritos por él mismo, que a veces han sido publicados como piezas del fotoperiodismo, pero que también culminan en libros fotográficos y diferentes tipos de exposiciones.

Las 413 imágenes publicadas en este libro, realizadas entre 1985 y 2018, son el resultado de un intenso proceso de revisión y edición por parte del autor sobre un universo de cerca de 20 000 imágenes. Las fotos elegidas se entrelazan para formar parte de un relato visual en el que no hay lugar para el anonimato, pues en esta crónica se subraya una serie de condiciones concretas de la vida de las personas, lo que las convierte en sujetos activos que desafían la opresión, y no en meras víctimas pasivas de las circunstancias y la represión. Se trata de la emergencia de seres humanos con nombre y apellido, los cuales, por lo general, son invisibilizados por el poder y los medios, pero que en esta publicación recuperan su voz e intimidad y una fisonomía original, única e irrepetible.

Esta obra tiene diversos antecedentes tan destacados como el trabajo de algunos profesionales de la lente, como las referencias ya clásicas de Walker Evans, Dorothea Lange y Eugene Smith, que documentaron las condiciones de pobreza de un sector de la población en la década de 1930 en Estados Unidos y construyeron una de las galerías de retratos más influyentes de la historia de la fotografía documental. Así mismo, otros referentes identificables son el de la pareja germano-estadounidense compuesta por Hansel Mieth y Otto Hagel, entre los años 30 y 50, al igual que autores más recientes como Milton Rogovin, que documentó a algunas comunidades de trabajadores en Nueva York, y Don Bartletti y su importante registro fotoperiodístico de la frontera. De igual forma, el trabajo de Bacon encuentra también ecos y resonancias en la obra de grandes fotógrafos documentalistas mexicanos como Tina Modotti, Elsa Medina, Eniac Martínez, Marco Antonio Cruz, Antonio Turok y Pedro Valtierra, profesionales atentos a plasmar en las décadas recientes tanto la identidad como las circunstancias concretas que rodean la vida y la muerte de los migrantes y sus familias, así como de otros movimientos sociales.

Al igual que las de estos fotógrafos, las imágenes de Bacon no se reducen al campo de la denuncia, sino que incorporan encuadres y composiciones desde una estética singular, logradas a veces con telefotos y otras con la lente de gran angular -"soy un hombre de extremos", ironiza Bacon, al respecto, en una entrevista con el autor de este epílogo-, con una lectura de la realidad que los identifica como autores, con una particular visión del mundo y una construcción de un universo propio.

Tal proceso es el resultado del tránsito de un archivo fotográfico a otro tipo de propuestas, como las exposiciones y los libros fotográficos, que ameritan una paciente labor de edición y de selección de temas en función de cada investigación concreta. Esta labor de selección nos permite olvidarnos de las fotos consideradas como afortunadas, resultado de los llamados "instantes decisivos" bressonianos, para indagar y explorar en cambio el mundo de los procesos e interrogar la lógica de trabajo del autor para tratar de comprender sus metas y objetivos.

En este peculiar viaje que nos propone el fotógrafo, la mirada abarca ambos lados de la frontera, y recoge tanto historias de vida de los migrantes como sus experiencias comunitarias y de trabajo, a las cuales atraviesan luchas de resistencia tan relevantes como las que aluden a diversos personajes, cuyas historias se van conociendo en el libro. Tal es el caso de Gervasio Peña, del poblado de Santiago Naranjas, en la Mixteca oaxaqueña, quien cruzó la frontera en 1986, cuando contaba con 18 años y descubrió que, en sus lugares de trabajo, los poblados de Graton y Forestville, el cuidado y la preservación de la fruta tenía más valor que la propia vida de los trabajadores. O María Pozar, una inmigrante purépecha que vive con sus hijas, Jacqueline y Leslie, en la zona de North Shore, las cuales se abrazan y sonríen a pesar de las constantes tormentas de polvo provocado por los fertilizantes y la contaminación, que les producen sangrados constantes en la nariz y otras dolencias corporales.

El relato visual de esta publicación contextualiza estas historias y muchas otras más, pero no se limita a ilustrarlas, sino que, por el contrario, crea sus propias coordenadas y construye una serie de imaginarios particulares que permiten otras lecturas de la frontera y la migración.

Tal es el caso de la serie de fotografías dedicada al muro, que muestra la imponente valla metálica de seguridad que atraviesa horizontalmente los encuadres de las imágenes y les aporta cierto movimiento, con sus juegos de contrastes y de luces y sombras, cruzada por arriba o por debajo de la tierra por los migrantes, o desembocando en pleno Océano Pacífico, a la altura de Tijuana, o bien sirviendo de telón de fondo para todo tipo de intervenciones y apropiaciones, en registros que presentan un alto contenido simbólico. En algunos casos se trata de las cruces y ofrendas florales instaladas en homenaje y recuerdo de los muertos, como en el ejemplo del retrato de Ramsés Barrón-Torres, un joven de 17 años asesinado por la Patrulla Fronteriza en territorio mexicano, a la altura de Nogales, Sonora; o la secuencia de números implementada por la propia gendarmería estadounidense en su estrategia de control para delimitar las secciones y las zonas por donde las personas realizarán el intento de cruzar; o los conmovedores letreros y grafitis que aluden de manera irónica al llamado sueño americano y permiten repensar el sentido del mismo con frases demoledoras como: "Aquí es donde los sueños se convierten en pesadillas".

Otro tema importante tiene que ver con el tema de los deportados y sus familias. Se trata de los retratos de personas que han sido expulsadas de Estados Unidos y que son captadas en el lado mexicano de la frontera, en sus nuevos escenarios de vida, alrededor de modestos campamentos, hoteles y refugios en los mejores casos, cuando no en medio de las calles y avenidas de las ciudades del norte de México, enfrentando cotidianamente las precarias condiciones del entorno, en una situación de extrema vulnerabilidad ante la pobreza y la violencia.

De nueva cuenta, la tragedia asume historias específicas y los sujetos son presentados con sus nombres y apellidos. Algunas de estas imágenes, como la de Lourdes Barraza y su hija, o las de Mario y Liliana, con sus acercamientos a la gestualidad concreta de los rostros podrían parecer, por la notable calidad de los registros, los cuidadosos retratos de un estudio fotográfico, pensados con base en una serie de condiciones rigurosas en el manejo de la luz y una planeación estricta de los tiempos y las exposiciones. Sin embargo, en realidad se trata de retratos obtenidos al calor de los mismos acontecimientos en los propios centros de detención, lo que da una idea de la pericia lograda por el autor a lo largo de tres décadas y su capacidad para construir lazos afectivos y condiciones de empatía para lograr imágenes con un alto contenido humano y estético. Estas imágenes podrían estar colgadas en las paredes de cualquier museo, pero en realidad forman parte de la expresión de una fotografía al servicio de una causa política.

No se trata de un dato menor. Al contrario, como ya hemos señalado, estos factores proporcionan las condiciones para el ejercicio y la práctica fotográfica con un sentido de respeto que repercute en la calidad del resultado final de las imágenes. Como Nacho López o Mariana Yampolsky, David Bacon supera de esta manera la versión del estereotipo que envuelve el tema de los migrantes para acercarnos al rostro humano de estos personajes.

Este tipo de imágenes, de acuerdo a la perspectiva del propio autor, no sólo retrata la lucha concreta de estas personas, sino que aspira a ser utilizada en otros lugares y contextos para inspirar a la gente en la organización de sus propios esfuerzos, para enfrentar y tratar de detener de manera solidaria un sistema competitivo tan desigual e inhumano.

Mención aparte merece la serie de imágenes que muestra el acercamiento a rostros y manos de migrantes en ambos lados de la frontera. A veces lo hace a través de los huecos y los intersticios del propio muro que separa a ambos países. Así, algunas fotografías apuestan al contraste de las rejas cuadriculadas de la propia valla con los rostros y miradas de familias, como la de Catalina Céspedes, quien hizo un largo viaje desde Santa Mónica, Cohetzala, en el estado de Puebla, para llegar a la ciudad de Tijuana y poder tocar el cuerpo de su hija Florita; o la de Adriana Arzola, quien trajo a su nueva bebita Nayeli, para que el resto de su familia en el lado estadounidense pudiera verla y abrazarla por primera vez. En otras ocasiones simplemente mostrando las manos agrietadas de trabajadores que exhiben así las huellas de muchos años de explotación, pero también de lucha y dignidad, como los casos de los habitantes del Desierto del Diablo, en Sonora; o de María Martínez y Alfredo Murrieta, un descendiente del legendario bandolero Joaquín Murrieta, quien intentó oponerse al despojo de California por parte de los invasores estadounidenses en 1848; o las de Clifford Brumley, en el valle Imperial, que muestra la pérdida de algunos de sus dedos por el frío que ha tenido que soportar a la intemperie. Aquí la ausencia del rostro y la exposición de las manos en primer plano renuevan de nueva cuenta los cánones tradicionales del retrato, muy al estilo de las vanguardias de los años 30, en fotografías documentales que ocupan un lugar importante en la historia de la fotografía.

En todas ellas resalta el poder testimonial para dar cuenta de los momentos importantes de una contundente microhistoria que, de otra manera, no tendría este tipo de repercusiones en el espacio público, con toda su carga emocional y política.

Las imágenes favorecen una serie de contactos políticos con una carga simbólica importante, que muestra el carácter de la migración como un espacio de intercambio de luchas políticas en la historia reciente. Por ejemplo, el homenaje realizado en Tijuana, Baja California, con motivo de la desaparición de los 43 estudiantes de la Escuela Normal de Ayotzinapa, en Guerrero; o la marcha de protesta en la ciudad de Matamoros, Tamaulipas, en solidaridad con el movimiento de la Asamblea Popular de los Pueblos de Oaxaca (APPO), en Oaxaca en 2006; o bien, las muestras de solidaridad en una modesta comunidad de Tamaulipas a favor del Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional (EZLN); o las imágenes de protesta en Gómez Palacio, Durango, en apoyo a la lucha de las madres y los familiares de las mujeres desaparecidas de Ciudad Juárez a finales del siglo XX y principios del XXI.

Una parte importante de las búsquedas del fotógrafo se detienen, con el rigor de la mirada militante que explora e interroga distintas realidades, en el territorio mexicano. Una vez más, no se trata de imágenes fortuitas obtenidas al paso, sino de relatos pensados que cuentan historias y que resultarían impensables sin el contexto del trabajo político del autor que ha facilitado los contactos previos con las personas para ganar su confianza y su empatía. Tal es el caso de la familia de Francisco Ortiz, a la cual podemos acercarnos en distintas vistas a sus hijos, a su abuela Isabel -la matriarca de la familia, en un extraordinario retrato que atrapa la gestualidad de un potente rostro surcado por las arrugas y detenido en una mirada de tristeza que nos interpela a todos- y al propio Francisco, que posa en el interior del diminuto cuarto que conforma su vivienda con otro de sus hijos, ambos sentados en sus camas, con la mirada fija en el fotógrafo, junto a la estufa y al resto de su precario mobiliario; o el ensayo fotográfico en torno a la huelga de los trabajadores en la maquiladora Han Young, que en diferentes vistas enfrentan en su lucha por construir un sindicato independiente y los crudos retratos de las llamadas "fuerzas especiales", grupos represores que brindan protección a las autoridades de manera ilegal para romper la huelga con total impunidad.

Un sugerente acercamiento condensa este relato. Se trata de Miguel Ángel Solórzano, uno de los jóvenes huelguistas, que posa de pie en un medio plano, extendiendo al frente sus delgados brazos y sus manos como pinzas de una máquina que se ha quebrado. El pie de esta imagen nos informa que el trabajador sufrió varias fracturas en su brazo derecho y que fue obligado a regresar a sus labores en esas condiciones. Ahí nuevamente el género convencional de este tipo de fotografía y las condiciones tradicionales que la rodean se trastocan en la fuerza y la intención de este magistral retrato y lo convierten en lo que Didi Huberman denomina como una imagen ardiente, esto es, aquella fotografía que nos incomoda como lectores y que nos interpela en el contexto de este trabajo.

Una de las modalidades más relevantes que conforman este libro es su renovación de la fotografía indigenista, que, sobre todo en el caso mexicano, se ha encargado de victimizar a estos grupos y cosificarlos como entes pasivos, incapaces de enfrentar la realidad. Por el contrario, en la visión de Bacon, este sector ejemplificado en el caso de la familia de María Ortiz, integrantes de los triquis migrantes de la Mixteca oaxaqueña, que se enfrenta a un mundo injusto en el valle de San Quintín, en Baja California, y se organizan para la huelga en espacios tan activos como el Frente Indígena de Organizaciones Binacionales. La lente de Bacon los sigue solidaria en las calles, en el campo y en las mesas de negociación. También los acompaña en el interior de sus viviendas y nos aporta detalles de su vida cotidiana. El hallazgo más importante de su intimidad está representado por aquella imagen poética en la que, junto a la sartén y las cucharas que penden de los sencillos tablones de madera, se alcanzan a apreciar algunos de los poemas de amor escritos y anotados de puño y letra por los integrantes de la familia. Uno de ellos expresa de manera conmovedora su mensaje: "¿De dónde vienes? Del cielo. ¿Y a quién estás buscando? Mis penas. ¿Y qué es lo que traes? Traigo consuelo. ¿Y cuál es tu nombre? Amor".

Así pues, la política y la vida cotidiana se expresan de manera armoniosa en el conjunto de imágenes que integran esta parte del ensayo fotográfico, en el que los y las triquis luchan por su dignidad, superando cualquier tipo de estereotipo en el que los ha encajonado la fotografía indigenista convencional por un espacio de por lo menos un siglo y medio.

Otro de los géneros trastocados por la lente del autor es el que se refiere al paisaje, particularmente en el caso de Salton Sea, un lugar donde el mar ha retrocedido de nivel entre otras cosas a causa del uso de fertilizantes y la contaminación, por lo que la playa que antes albergaba árboles que recibían aves de otros lugares hoy ha quedado convertida en un desierto de arena duro y agrietado. Las crudas imágenes de Bacon sobre este lugar, con primeros planos de peces muertos que lucen como fósiles atrapados en el suelo, parecen ironizar en torno a las reglas convencionales del paisaje y acercan al lector a otro tipo de atmósferas que muestran lugares devastados por la contaminación del mismo sistema injusto e inequitativo que provoca que miles de seres humanos vivan en condiciones de miseria. Fiel a los objetivos del libro que priorizan el retrato de los seres humanos, el fotógrafo muestra una galería de imágenes en las que puede verse a distintas personas que viven en la zona y que han debido enfrentar los resultados de esta contaminación. No se trata de personajes que muestren solamente los efectos del desastre, sino de seres humanos que luchan y viven con sus lazos familiares y sus afectos para enfrentarse a un medio agresivo y desafiante.

Como ha señalado el propio David Bacon en este texto, la singularidad de estas imágenes posibilita sus condiciones de universalidad. El tratamiento particular de los migrantes y los trabajadores en la lucha por la resistencia y la dignidad en condiciones muy concretas es lo que nos permite releer estas imágenes como parte de un rompecabezas mundial que logra su reconocimiento desde otros lugares conflictivos del planeta, desde el trasiego de personas en Libia y Honduras hasta el cada vez más peligroso paso de África a Europa a través de esa frontera de la muerte en la que se ha convertido el Mar Mediterráneo.

Hasta aquí algunos trazos que suponen distintas lecturas de un trabajo fotográfico complejo, que incluye la experiencia de varias décadas de un autor con un compromiso profesional y político muy claro, que han implicado el manejo de una diversidad de ángulos y enfoques que recogen algunos géneros y temáticas que van del retrato al paisaje y que, sobre todo, documentan de manera contundente el enorme poder transformador de las imágenes.