tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-34595203191815391842024-03-21T06:18:00.670-07:00The Reality CheckStories and Photographs by David Bacondavidbaconhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/08469116035735786689noreply@blogger.comBlogger318125tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3459520319181539184.post-82594515859205804742024-02-27T23:13:00.000-08:002024-02-27T23:13:12.335-08:00THE STRATEGIC CROSS-BORDER ALLIANCE<p>THE STRATEGIC CROSS-BORDER ALLIANCE<br />David Bacon | February 27, 2024<br />Interview with Benedicto Martinez and Robin Alexander<br />UCLA - Institute for Research on Labor and Employment/NACLA Report on the Americas<br /><a href="https://nacla.org/strategic-cross-border-labor-alliance">https://nacla.org/strategic-cross-border-labor-alliance</a><br /><a href="https://irle.ucla.edu/2024/02/27/the-strategic-cross-border-alliance/">https://irle.ucla.edu/2024/02/27/the-strategic-cross-border-alliance/</a></p><p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi6wZ-bBzQc0xgiYRG_Zq_4oMyaH9FSOQ2QzO1u_sBZOkNuxvA2IVGgi9fpvv0UZMYO40WOXcXL7kwuiC-zkWyMpwS05keUmxhh2z9b5rwgCk-1HFP4HKDRN5_Rnph5A4dVPVNM0JOLD9ZQRnGF4bMe-PBT6ernF90RwKCuDvsVwU2p1fH3qNypeXFHcSM/s720/1.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi6wZ-bBzQc0xgiYRG_Zq_4oMyaH9FSOQ2QzO1u_sBZOkNuxvA2IVGgi9fpvv0UZMYO40WOXcXL7kwuiC-zkWyMpwS05keUmxhh2z9b5rwgCk-1HFP4HKDRN5_Rnph5A4dVPVNM0JOLD9ZQRnGF4bMe-PBT6ernF90RwKCuDvsVwU2p1fH3qNypeXFHcSM/s16000/1.jpg" /></a></div><p></p><p><i>Benedicto Martinez and Robin Alexander march together in Mexico City, in a 2014 national protest on the 20th anniversary of the implementation of the North American Free Trade Agreement. The marchers protested the economic and political reforms by the Mexican government and the then-ruling Party of the Institutionalized Revolution, setting the stage for the privatizing oil and electrical industries, implementing corporate education reform and social benefit policies, and changing the country's labor law. </i><br /><i><br />This interview forms part of a series of interviews with prominent Mexican labor leaders conducted by photojournalist, author, political activist and union organizer David Bacon. These interviews are a collaboration between IRLE, the Labor Center and the Center for Mexican Studies at UCLA. NACLA Report on the Americas, a quarterly magazine and leading source of research and analysis on Latin America and the Caribbean is publishing an abridged version of these interviews. Read Part 1 <a href="https://irle.ucla.edu/2024/01/30/a-new-life-for-mexicos-oldest-union/" target="_blank">here</a>.<br /><br /><br />For over two decades, Benedicto Martinez was General Secretary of the Authentic Labor Front (FAT), one of the most important independent and progressive union federations in Mexico. During the same period, Robin Alexander was Director of International Relations for the United Electrical, Radio and Machine Workers of America, an industrial union originally founded for workers in the electrical industry, and a bastion of democratic, rank-and-file unionism in the U.S.<br /><br />In the leadup to the implementation of the North American Free Trade Agreement, the two unions formed a strategic alliance to help organize factories in Mexico and the U.S., and to advocate for political change to meet the needs of the workers of both countries. The alliance has been a model for relations between U.S. and Mexican unions.<br /><br />In this interview, the two explain how the alliance was formed, what its principles were and what it achieved. They reflect on the changes caused by Mexico's new labor law reform and the new Mexico, U.S., Canada Agreement (called T-MEC in Mexico), which replaced the old NAFTA. The interview has been edited for clarity.<br /><br />Alexander deals in more detail with this history in her new book, International Solidarity in Action, available from the UE <a href="https://www.ueunion.org/ue-news/2022/international-solidarity-ue-fat-mexico-cross-border-alliance" target="_blank">here</a>. </i><br /><br /><br /><br />Alexander: When we began the UE's relationship with the FAT, neoliberal economic policies had caused the loss of thousands of jobs in our union. Companies moved them to other countries, mainly to Mexico. Our leaders thought it might be possible to find a union ally in Mexico, willing to try to reorganize these companies. In the United States, we could help, because we still had a presence in U.S. plants. At that time we had a relationship, more a paper one than a deep relationship, with the Mexican Union of Electrical Workers (SME). It is a very democratic union, but at that time it was in a more conservative period. The free trade agreement was on the horizon, and the SME's leader, Jorge Sanchez, supported the policy of the Mexican government, which was negotiating it.<br /><br />At a UE convention, the UE in Canada talked about the very negative impact of the U.S-Canada free trade agreement on Canadian workers. Then a representative from the SME spoke in favor of a trade agreement with Mexico. This clash was the point when UE leaders thought, we have to look for another relationship.</p><p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhA1o-hKMpDkDgy3CowoiZFSzs40LznJNwF6TYFbpTgeLLKMEorfFFtUkT6EKR_dbupk3Yr47CHGFh_fAsV0OWOUCFmYR7Oc6ncl3rYKpYbnWGOzfMR8cz2-pGl2TOVSRqVmgDa_a8eQp2RiQl3-vCjkBJFykO_lvwwnbQPbknNUo1AMIp7ikq1KiXR188/s720/2.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhA1o-hKMpDkDgy3CowoiZFSzs40LznJNwF6TYFbpTgeLLKMEorfFFtUkT6EKR_dbupk3Yr47CHGFh_fAsV0OWOUCFmYR7Oc6ncl3rYKpYbnWGOzfMR8cz2-pGl2TOVSRqVmgDa_a8eQp2RiQl3-vCjkBJFykO_lvwwnbQPbknNUo1AMIp7ikq1KiXR188/s16000/2.jpg" /></a></div> <br /><i>Workers and organizers of the garment workers' union UNITE demonstrate outside a sewing factory in Vernon, California. The factory closed and moved to Mexico in the wake of NAFTA's passage. </i><br /><br /><br />Martinez: At that time the Authentic Labor Front (FAT) had a relationship going back many years with the National Union Confederation of Quebec, the CSN. We had both left the Latin American Confederation of Labor because we didn't agree with the policy of Christian Democracy. When we began to hear about a free trade agreement between Mexico, the United States and Canada, the CSN came to Mexico to meet with us. They described their experience with the trade agreement between Canada and the United States. For them, it led to a loss of jobs and they wanted to organize a defense. <br /><br />At the same time, the FAT began working with other organizations in Mexico to form the Mexican Action Network Against Free Trade (REMALC). The network gave us a way to look for allies in the United States, but our relationships had been with non-governmental organizations. The AFL CIO at that time had an open relationship with the CTM, which supported the policies of the government of President Carlos Salinas. <br /><br />In 1992 a representative of the UE came to a REMALC meeting in Zacatecas. I was negotiating a contract in Aguascalientes, and on a day when we didn't have talks, I went to the Zacatecas meeting too. One of the FAT comrades, Manuel García, told me there was another trade unionist there, the only other one at the event. That's how we found Bob Kingsley (former political director of the UE), who was also searching for an alliance with a Mexican union. A month later we were invited to Pittsburgh to meet with the UE leaders, Amy Newell, John Hovis and Ed Bruno.<br /><br />The UE felt the loss of jobs moving to Mexico, and wanted a relationship between workers in the United States and Mexico from the same company so that we could organize the runaway plants. We chose two plants that were among the largest - General Electric and Honeywell. We began a strategic alliance with an organizing approach. The speed surprised us - nothing was bureaucratic. We were soon working on putting together our contacts in Ciudad Juárez and Chihuahua.<br /><br />We made the decision to start in Ciudad Juárez because there was already a study of the plants. There were possibilities in other states, but we did not have bases in some areas and in others, the FAT had been driven out. General Electric and Honeywell both had plants in Chihuahua, and although we did not really have a base of members in Ciudad Juárez, we did know people, so a small team went there. <br /><br />I had been a member of the national FAT leadership since 1990, and had several organizing successes. So naturally the FAT said, we need a victim to coordinate this work in Ciudad Juárez and that victim was me. I was put in charge of the project and establishing the UE-FAT relationship.<br /><br />I had not had the opportunity to go to the United States before. I was still very stuck in the factory. However, some things surprised us, like the way we were received at the meeting with the UE's leaders, as if we had been old friends. We quickly established things that were important. Respect for autonomy was treated as a principle, and everyone took responsibility for making decisions in their own area. In Mexico, it was up to us how to do things.<p></p><p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi7R6Kr8X7B5P-2Xnm6d-2aprfID9TqxuzRps-cGboS6PPjFK6-7jHCZKbo_ieXhZ2ySKSkMQofpVtEPexz0xEmA2Fj4KJlPLK6gZe9eakA6IYzDxYQYFT4Z2WEmc4bdh8mXWmbkRz0lnw5CONxbJt4mlpnhpI86_BXRuBMfbl9CPjYL2AiNMbKaNbKA4k/s720/3.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi7R6Kr8X7B5P-2Xnm6d-2aprfID9TqxuzRps-cGboS6PPjFK6-7jHCZKbo_ieXhZ2ySKSkMQofpVtEPexz0xEmA2Fj4KJlPLK6gZe9eakA6IYzDxYQYFT4Z2WEmc4bdh8mXWmbkRz0lnw5CONxbJt4mlpnhpI86_BXRuBMfbl9CPjYL2AiNMbKaNbKA4k/s16000/3.jpg" /></a></div> <br /><i>Benedicto Martinez, in the offices of the FAT in Mexico City, points to a mural by Mike Alewitz celebrating the binational solidarity partnership between the FAT and the United Electrical Workers. </i><p></p><p><i> </i><br />Alexander: There were two agreements between the UE and the FAT in '92. One was to support the organizing in Mexico, involving plants belonging to companies where the UE had contracts in the U.S. We also agreed to organize a tour against the Free Trade Agreement in the United States, where representatives of the FAT would explain to workers why they thought it was a bad idea. The UE decided to establish a position of director of international relations.<br /><br />It was a great challenge to develop international work in a way consistent with the UE's principles, that we are a union led by the rank and file. That is a fundamental difference from the hierarchical way most unions operate. Many of our ideas then became key principles of the relationship between the UE and the FAT. We did things by consensus. The UE was responsible for what happened in the United States and the FAT for what happened in Mexico. There was permanent communication about what we were doing. In all the UE conventions from then on FAT representatives would speak with our members and we would develop the program for our work. We would exchange experiences about what we had done and plan for the future. <br /><br />The first thing I did was accompany a delegation of grassroots UE representatives to Ciudad Juárez to support the organizing by the FAT against General Electric. This delegation was the first of many exchanges between the UE and the FAT. We didn't just organize delegations from one country, but from both - by the UE to Mexico and by the FAT to the United States. We had cultural exchanges where murals were painted in both countries. There was a book project, in which a writer in the U.S. worked with a writer in Mexico to produce two books, one in English and the other in Spanish. <br /><br />The relationship with the FAT was possible because we had a shared perspective about politics. We both had a commitment to organize democratic, independent unions. <br /><br />The campaign at General Electric failed, and we realized that we had not really understood well the complexity of organizing in Mexico, and all the barriers to it. I give a lot of credit to the UE leaders of that time because the reaction of many unions would have been "we cannot do it," or "it was a good try." But the UE, recognizing all the difficulties, said, "this is an important relationship and we are going to continue supporting the FAT."<br /><br />The FAT at that time also made the decision to continue. To support them we made the first complaints under the NAFTA labor side agreement. We had no confidence that we were going to win by making them, but they provided a platform for the FAT and allies in Mexico to denounce the illegal actions of the companies. </p><p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjEBbeM8Xruw3NKDw1K5TCnwzjUiG7_HiwXgjlsAKKG4Q1aISV6N5LZDKQw-zTTrqMKovXnoP7gZes3l9X4vdE3t5-eLslQmNjMsWSGtTQ5LCxFJghUpV6sAvn-DPvj06_1P5vPPVkNyM8p_4QA93yX_hNqdWQbD7R71pS86GKpnX5rzxcfY0aaZVIedtc/s720/4.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjEBbeM8Xruw3NKDw1K5TCnwzjUiG7_HiwXgjlsAKKG4Q1aISV6N5LZDKQw-zTTrqMKovXnoP7gZes3l9X4vdE3t5-eLslQmNjMsWSGtTQ5LCxFJghUpV6sAvn-DPvj06_1P5vPPVkNyM8p_4QA93yX_hNqdWQbD7R71pS86GKpnX5rzxcfY0aaZVIedtc/s16000/4.jpg" /></a></div> <br /><i>Buses line up to take maquiladora workers from the "Derechos Humanos" and "Fuerza y Unidad" barrios in Matamoros to the factories where they work. The neighborhoods are contaminated by the dumping of white powder chemical waste from the Quimica Fluor plant, which makes hydrofluoric acid, onto the dirt roads between the houses. </i><br /><br /><br />Martinez: Sometimes it felt a little uncomfortable. Usually, when someone provides financial support they make the decisions, they command. In this case, it was different. We were fighting for the same cause in Mexico, and money meant more help organizing the workers. The situation in Ciudad Juárez was so difficult. We built a democratic movement based on the strength of the workers and were finally able to present the demand for a collective contract. But the state government flatly denied us. They openly said, "we are not going to process your claim." It was a brutal blow, but they were the authority. They could do it.<br /><br />The UE understood that under normal conditions, we would surely have won, but at GE and Honeywell we couldn't, because the state forces were so strong. The principles we raised in those NAFTA complaints were finally written into the Federal Labor Law reform. That reform came out of those attacks against freedom of association and collective contracting, and the lack of justice at the federal and local conciliation boards. Today we have some protections in the law, but they came from the battles we fought 30 years ago.<br /><br />It was difficult because the resources the UE provided came from workers' dues. If we didn't win, how could they justify the expense? Asking that made us see ourselves differently - that we had to have a long-term perspective. If we had said 30 years ago that we would reform Mexico's labor law in 2019, people would have said we were crazy. But we planted the seeds for it little by little. Our approach was to make visible the reality in Mexico - the lack of freedom, the lack of democracy, the lack of rights of Mexican workers - and to get other organizations and unions to take it on. Eventually, they did, even questioning these violations at the ILO. We also had allies, like the CGT in France and the CGIL in Italy, the Brazilians and the Chileans.<br /><br />Because of the complaints under the NAFTA side agreement and another at the ILO, we began to have more influence on other unions in the U.S. At first it was just with locals of national unions like the autoworkers. But eventually, we were able to exert pressure in the AFL CIO itself. I participated in a tour of Teamster union locals in the U.S., at the time of their democratization when their president was Ron Carey. There was a march in San Francisco and another in Santa Ana.<br /><br />We did grassroots work in local unions because the leadership of most U.S. unions maintained a relationship with the CTM and the Congreso de Trabajo (the government-controlled union federations). But it was hard. On the first tour, I was attacked by people who would call us "fucking Mexicans who come here to ask for help" or "they are the ones who are going to get the jobs." They said Mexico was willing to accept low salaries to get those jobs. We knew people in those meetings were not going to receive us with applause because they did not know the conditions - that it was not a policy of the workers, but of companies in alliance with neoliberal governments. We'd explain that losing jobs was a product of the companies' policy of transferring them. <br /><br />Our relationship with the UE was very different. Although we worked mainly on organizing workers in Mexico, we needed to have allies from the same company in the United States, to be able to negotiate together. Our dream was to one day negotiate a contract with General Electric that would also cover Mexican workers. And little by little this relationship came to include a vision beyond that.<br /><br />At the beginning of the UE-FAT relationship, we tried talking with workers at a plant belonging to DMI/Metaldyne, but it was difficult. Workers had relatively good salaries. Many worked on numerically controlled equipment and were specialists not interested in the union. But time passed and we kept at it because it had a sister plant in the United States where workers belonged to the UE. About 15 years after we started workers got interested because the salary conditions changed. It took two years before we could demand recognition, but it became our first success organizing a plant with a sister plant in the United States. <br /><br />We had the first meeting with coworkers who came from the U.S. plant to Mexico and later a delegation from Mexico to the plant in the United States. It was a little like family. They could see their machines were the same, although they were working under different conditions, and obviously different salaries. But it was a big success for our alliance, after many years. In this long-term relationship, it's not always the immediate gain that is the most important. We may want results tomorrow, but things are not like that in the union world.<p></p><p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhx4nAc2HDcuqME4vvW3dxGg6xq9VcffWN5kVD4rmlQEt5I4SM4e4eE8qG848C0DknjsKDhyphenhyphen7qiObIocNLiITUA0q9xrSYEWRKuDpL-iHLzkF95zHxuFSgKz1eZSxSM0q0vsbUtLjjmarPQtzoE7V0MTm7jIlrU_9rXToIYj_RSlDnWDuXGMrzZ0dIm9Xk/s720/5.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhx4nAc2HDcuqME4vvW3dxGg6xq9VcffWN5kVD4rmlQEt5I4SM4e4eE8qG848C0DknjsKDhyphenhyphen7qiObIocNLiITUA0q9xrSYEWRKuDpL-iHLzkF95zHxuFSgKz1eZSxSM0q0vsbUtLjjmarPQtzoE7V0MTm7jIlrU_9rXToIYj_RSlDnWDuXGMrzZ0dIm9Xk/s16000/5.jpg" /></a></div><i> <br />UE International Affairs Director Robin Alexander, at a conference in Los Angeles, denounces the attacks of Mexican trade unionists, including Juan Linares, a leader of the miners' union.</i><br /><p></p><p><br />Alexander: Another early campaign was a company called ISKO. One of the workers from the General Electric struggle in Ciudad Juárez became an organizer. He was sent by the FAT to work in Milwaukee in December. Because of the cold, it must have been the worst season of his life, but with his help, we won that campaign. It was very important because when he went home he could say the UE was not like other Mexican unions and this had an important resonance in his plant. Solidarity is not only about economic support, or just from north to south. Solidarity also meant supporting organizing in the United States. <br /><br />One delegation we sent to Mexico asked to focus on the legal right to bargain. These were workers from North Carolina, a state where public sector workers do not have the right to collective bargaining. After this exchange, they returned to North Carolina saying they'd learned this was a violation of international law. They organized the North Carolina International Justice Campaign, which had a great impact. Then the FAT also filed a lawsuit under NAFTA's labor side agreement. In other UE locals, workers began talking about it, that the FAT was fighting for the rights of UE members. It was very encouraging.<br /><br />Martinez: Now things are changing because of the labor reform. Companies in Mexico that used to have a protection union (a company-controlled union) now think they're better off without a union at all, in the style of the United States. So one lesson we have to learn is that solidarity and support doesn't just flow from the north to the south, but in both directions.<br /><br />The reform of the Federal Labor Law and the constitutional reform have led to the disappearance of the old labor boards and mandated free, direct and secret personal voting. Whatever comes next I think it will be difficult to reverse this, because another reform would require a 2/3 vote both in the chamber of deputies and senate. I'm not saying it's not possible, but it would be complicated. So I think there is a certain security. <br /><br />However, to date, the 12 complaints using the new T-MEC treaty only cover certain sectors of the industry. The treaty has not affected all unions or all national industries, but only those affected by the T-MEC mechanism. In terms of the country, that's quite slow. Mexico has more than 50,000,000 workers, and these complaints cover at most 20,000 - small compared to our larger class. <br /><br />We have won a mechanism, the voting, and a process for the recognition, but this process leads to rapid struggles and union formation. But building democratic unionism, with class-conscious workers, does not happen overnight. It requires education, which in the past came through conflicts. I don't want to say that what happened in the past was good, but the more conflict and the longer the struggle, the more people learned. Their consciousness grew also because they had to prepare and read. When workers had to sustain a long-term struggle, they would gain more awareness of what is possible.</p><p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiQ9-IOTAt1nloYp10xd9kfi5jqaqEQB6li_Czrra63ivqffLqF-hVwWogqJe9lGQya0zcQCi8q_17YL3c1H6M5ejSbjfZOTioYwlromBYHryqapMFCEQc2JSXQCwA1XFFO5YVebWSrCGTu6eWS7JocrVHGH6Yvio4mvhTJS_k-j8c4spLBOf6A70dwUiw/s720/6.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiQ9-IOTAt1nloYp10xd9kfi5jqaqEQB6li_Czrra63ivqffLqF-hVwWogqJe9lGQya0zcQCi8q_17YL3c1H6M5ejSbjfZOTioYwlromBYHryqapMFCEQc2JSXQCwA1XFFO5YVebWSrCGTu6eWS7JocrVHGH6Yvio4mvhTJS_k-j8c4spLBOf6A70dwUiw/s16000/6.jpg" /></a></div><i> <br />The closed Friction Brake plant in Costa Mesa, California. The plant relocated operations to ITAPSA in Mexico City in the wake of workers' organizing with the UE. ITAPSA workers traveled to Costa Mesa to show their support for the workers' effort to organize. </i><p></p><p><br />Today organizing is faster, but if we do not manage to create class consciousness, and commitment to democratic and militant unionism, I don't know what the result will be. It could easily be a purely economic struggle. And that's where I have my doubts and concerns.<br /><br />Neither the CTM unions nor the established independent unions are organizing. It is not on their radar. The new actors are ones that have obtained resources through the Solidarity Center, like La Liga Obrera Mexicana, which are completely new, or like Julia Quiñones, who has spent her life working on the border, or Hector de la Cueva and CILAS (the Center for Labor Investigation and Union Counsel). But the campaign at General Motors came from a previous struggle among a group of workers who started the movement in the Silao plant. Resources came in and we know what happened. So those who are using the T-MEC process are the ones who are organizing. <br /><br />Not all are successful and often present a new set of problems. VU Manufacturing in Piedras Negras, where they also used the T-MEC, is about to close the plant. In another plant with 1600 workers about 700 voted and 900 did not. SINTIA (the new union that won the election and contract at General Motors) won with 20 votes. It's going to be very difficult to form a union if they win the support of 300 workers in a plant of 1600. It is really a minority union. <br /><br />But the traditional unions, the old independent unions, don't even appear in this. It's as if they are not interested, and just administered what they have. It is not clear where our labor movement is going, or what it will really be after the reform process. The (old formerly government-controlled) unions of the Labor Congress - the CTM, the CROC, the CROM - are supposedly now in compliance, with legitimized contracts, and elections they say were free, with direct and secret voting. How can workers tell the new unionism apart from these unions that still operate as they did before? <br /><br />Nevertheless, the economic situation for workers has improved with the considerable increase in the minimum wage. A larger budget for social expenditures has also made life better, especially for the most unprotected workers. It has not reached the level we would like, but it is on an upward path. <br /><br />Alexander: Important things have happened, like this administration's policy of putting the poor first. There are programs for older people, for students, and for young people. They've provided many more resources to the poorest people. For workers in particular the big increase in the minimum wage was a very big change.<br /><br />During the years of our alliance, the Mexican government resolved labor issues directly or through the labor boards. That has also changed. Now the federal government says it is up to the parties to resolve labor issues, and they do not take sides. This is encouraging for the future. And, obviously, labor reform has created opportunities to organize without many of the obstacles that existed before. <br /><br />However, there has been a lot of money, millions of dollars, coming from Canada and the United States to support this new unionism. We won't know its impact for a while. Unionism in the United States is not a model workers should follow, and I don't know the purpose of so much money. This is not a criticism of what has happened, but I am concerned about the unions that are being formed now. How democratic will they be? And if the money comes from the United States and Canada, what will happen when it's taken away? The new unions are depending on T-MEC's new rapid response mechanism. I hope that Trump does not win, but if he does, I cannot imagine that the rapid response mechanism will work as it has.<br /><br />However, the organizing situation for workers now in the United States is very encouraging. There is movement, especially among young people, and we will also see where it goes. The UE has been very successful in organizing graduate students from universities, who are starting to win contracts. If this process continues, the UE will be in a much better position to focus again on international solidarity.</p><p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjL-qlpLDXJfAV104xrxSL9XQ_rA5Jg51I40q_fC7G-9dLgkrX1Xcs8AycN98fzFXT2RTszBcNKXzr8GJiryBEyKddOsU1W7icewfJGsD_SXFhIJwURhHUNKdrLhTw3jB_BWTqEAYpRNmAPEyaRm2YSqEWSSegi-Ka7QK4dQ00qFPJ6H02tx8wmSlwO8GA/s720/7.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjL-qlpLDXJfAV104xrxSL9XQ_rA5Jg51I40q_fC7G-9dLgkrX1Xcs8AycN98fzFXT2RTszBcNKXzr8GJiryBEyKddOsU1W7icewfJGsD_SXFhIJwURhHUNKdrLhTw3jB_BWTqEAYpRNmAPEyaRm2YSqEWSSegi-Ka7QK4dQ00qFPJ6H02tx8wmSlwO8GA/s16000/7.jpg" /></a></div> <br /><i>Benedicto Martinez, general secretary of the Frente Auténtico del Trabajo, challenges the head of the Junta de Conciliación y Arbitraje during an election with open voting for workers at the Han Young maquiladora in Tijuana. JNCA officials ask workers how they'd vote - for the independent union or the union the company preferred, Mexico Moderno. Declarations were typed by government clerical workers, and workers were required to sign them making their votes public. After years of challenges by the FAT, the system of open voting was ended.</i><br /><p></p><p><br />Martinez: I worry that the growth of new unions is based a lot on the present resources. But the status of the people who organize has changed, with high salaries for an organizer. In the past, you couldn't even dream of this. If these resources stop, will the organizers continue? <br /><br />In our old culture workers paid the costs, which kept expenses low. For a meeting today 40 or 50 people might attend, all paid, in good hotels. That wasn't the case in the past. I don't want to say that we should live in misery, but you get used to it and that's the problem. For the worker, if a meeting means going to a good hotel with good meals, traveling by plane, what will happen when there are no resources for this? <br /><br />I hope the union movement will re-emerge as all of us dream - strong, democratic organizations, with a relationship beyond our borders, as we managed to build with our alliance. The FAT's dream for more than 40 years is organizing unions by industry branch and by company. With General Motors, a contract covering the whole company could be powerful, or a strong alliance able to negotiate collective contracts in different countries, respecting autonomy and cultures. The capital is the same, right?<br /><br />Alexander: It's a very important moment, and I feel a little bad about being retired. I would like to be 20 years younger and get back into it. But I believe that the experience we had with the FAT provides some lessons. I hope it's something we can contribute to this new generation.</p><p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEixoq1RldSukoBvavIq_0ULNrenOHEjyX677YwxgSu7xyop0dk3njbW5D8fdxfCFOPwObUjrE8xsv3uh55IGSQxT-WeROulBclKHoDdoPcWu1T7ByvZHQ3kwUABJ3zXPpASyzk4ME8ckObkTfpeSoxxhTNEjBlsaiE2fl8PzIuzOM4r_18Rv4EqA1yERQ8/s720/8.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEixoq1RldSukoBvavIq_0ULNrenOHEjyX677YwxgSu7xyop0dk3njbW5D8fdxfCFOPwObUjrE8xsv3uh55IGSQxT-WeROulBclKHoDdoPcWu1T7ByvZHQ3kwUABJ3zXPpASyzk4ME8ckObkTfpeSoxxhTNEjBlsaiE2fl8PzIuzOM4r_18Rv4EqA1yERQ8/s16000/8.jpg" /></a></div> <br />Benedicto Martínez marches in a demonstration of independent trade unions, farmer organizations, and the left-wing Party of the Democratic Revolution to Mexico City's main square, the Zocalo, on the 20th anniversary of the implementation of NAFTA. The march included members of U.S. and Canadian unions and organizations protesting NAFTA. <br /><p></p>davidbaconhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/08469116035735786689noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3459520319181539184.post-66857253239477059692024-02-19T20:31:00.000-08:002024-02-19T20:31:17.009-08:00THE SECOND DEMOLITION OF WOOD STREET<p>THE SECOND DEMOLITION OF WOOD STREET<br />By David Bacon<br />Contexts, Winter 2024<br /><a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/15365042241229709">https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/15365042241229709</a></p><p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjrKZqLDzBRzR2F3tj4Xic52Ba7yGIBBdalM-L_9Hkca8ZQeULLF2h5KkMizMMadhA2NMCz5gbLyYmDCQe5ACVj2n-m3lmfR9HRwg_M3dbsRWZupZat4puzFcTqLGDSWrC8Ti4ypk_hU-WjEBqDGPDkkjIHkzznl7Py-vIQXM-45eox4IEVkpXlME-xq-8/s720/dnb%20wood%20st%20commons%2007.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjrKZqLDzBRzR2F3tj4Xic52Ba7yGIBBdalM-L_9Hkca8ZQeULLF2h5KkMizMMadhA2NMCz5gbLyYmDCQe5ACVj2n-m3lmfR9HRwg_M3dbsRWZupZat4puzFcTqLGDSWrC8Ti4ypk_hU-WjEBqDGPDkkjIHkzznl7Py-vIQXM-45eox4IEVkpXlME-xq-8/s16000/dnb%20wood%20st%20commons%2007.jpg" /></a></div><p></p><p><i>Gawit (David) Mesfin tries to move the many bicycles and parts next to his living area before the earthmovers arrive. He repaired bicycles, and sometimes stored them, for many residents and other unhoused people. Mesfin was born in Ethiopia. "I left when I was 8, because of the wars, after my parents were killed. I finally I got to the U.S. when I was 18, and I'm 38 now. I've been living here for seven or eight years.</i><br /><br /> <br />For the people evicted from Wood Street, Oakland, the largest unhoused encampment in northern California, housing is a human right. Residents had even painted their assertion in bright colors on a placard at the gateway to their dwellings. But the California Department of Transportation ("CalTrans") disagreed. It owns the land under an enormous freeway interchange called The Maze, where over 300 people lived for years. The U.S. Constitution, CalTrans asserts, does not recognize a right to housing. <br /><br />In the dispute over the mass eviction, Federal Judge William Orrick came down on the side of the state. "I don't have the authority-because there is no constitutional right to housing-to allow Wood Street to stay on the property of somebody who doesn't want it," he admitted. <br /><br />Early in 2023, 60 residents were forced to vacate the strip of land occupied by RVs, tents, and informal homes, extending for 25 city blocks. A series of reports by Nuala Bushari and Sarah Ravani in the San Francisco Chronicle documented the dire situation: Oakland's homeless population had increased 24% in just three years. The city had 598 year-round shelter beds, 313 housing structures, and 147 RV parking spaces. All were filled. According to a census of the unhoused in early 2022, more than 5,000 people were sleeping on Oakland's streets. <br /><br />Wood Street Commons, the name many residents gave to the now-empty camp, and which became the name of their community (which still survives), had a long history. Houses were cleared from the original area in the 1950s to build the freeway maze leading to the Bay Bridge. In 2016, as gentrification and the city's housing crisis grew increasingly acute, displaced people began setting up what would become Oakland's longest-standing settlement of the unhoused. In one small section, residents and supporters erected a number of makeshift homes and a common area for meetings. <br /><br />In recent years, however, fires became frequent on Wood Street; there were more than 90 in 2021. In April 2022, one man lost his life in a blaze in his converted bus, while, in July 2022, propane cylinders used for heating exploded in flames so hot that vehicles were incinerated. Of course, Wood Street wasn't the only camp to suffer blazes. A city audit documented 988 fires in 140 encampments in 2020 and 2021. <br /><br />But after the July 2022 fire, CalTrans announced that it would evict Wood Street's residents. Lawyers for the unhoused convinced Judge Orrick to temporarily bar the action. In 2022, the state gave Oakland a $4.7 million grant to house 50 people, but as evictions proceeded, city administrators announced that non-profit developers planned to build 170 units of housing on the site. While Oakland needs housing desperately, virtually none of the evictees would ever be able to buy or rent one of these units. <br /><br />One resident said that in the four years he'd lived on Wood Street, he felt safe and protected from violence that often affects people sleeping on sidewalks. By contrast, a man was shot and killed in the "Tuff Shed" cubicles the city provided for the camp dwellers (calling them "alternative housing"). "That city housing is surrounded by a fence. You can't have visitors, and it feels like a prison. And it's not safe," he said. <br /><br />In 2018, United Nations Special Rapporteur on Adequate Housing Leilani Farha visited Oakland. "I find there to be a real cruelty," she observed, "in how people are being dealt with here." She compared Oakland to Manila, Philippines, Jakarta, Indonesia, and Mexico City, where she said homelessness is basically tolerated. In the United States, a far wealthier country, being homeless is instead criminalized. <br /><br />The Wood Street eviction exposed the bones of capitalism. The right to property is enshrined in law, and the legal structure of the state will enforce it, even if it leaves people on the street with no place to sleep or live. Land is a commodity, and it is bought and sold. If the right to live on it comes first, the property right of any landowner is in danger. That requires the expulsion of people in land occupations. <br /><br />As camp residents departed, a group of day laborers took away belongings and discarded the trash left behind. They were some of Oakland's lowest-paid workers, Mexican and Central American jornaleros who daily look for work on city streets, (such as those documented by sociologist Gretchen Purser in her 2009 ethnography, The Dignity of Job-Seeking Men). While the jornaleros hauled out debris, another group of impecunious Oaklanders-the unhoused people who would soon be joining them on those streets-watched. <br /><br />The workers cleaned out the camp for the lowest wages possible, demonstrating yet another aspect of municipal neoliberalism, alive and well in a city and state known for their progressivism. </p><p> </p><p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjl5CCYqO2MaWih0rrp54NawgpKcO6s-0blq3wPWG4s7z2XeXGPa9SOycUmGFES0o7rSj-SZ_hpnNEkehKAhiv_5jnCoqqEQDL-NnyPJpV2ue58R3gYEPFDFrt3ptH2YtCO2mGQJ9QLeKCG1UwxN-kOmvnWXOhoiKx7NHTr6WoBKVxj_4baCjT8YZkyzIM/s576/dnb%20wood%20street%2001.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="387" data-original-width="576" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjl5CCYqO2MaWih0rrp54NawgpKcO6s-0blq3wPWG4s7z2XeXGPa9SOycUmGFES0o7rSj-SZ_hpnNEkehKAhiv_5jnCoqqEQDL-NnyPJpV2ue58R3gYEPFDFrt3ptH2YtCO2mGQJ9QLeKCG1UwxN-kOmvnWXOhoiKx7NHTr6WoBKVxj_4baCjT8YZkyzIM/s16000/dnb%20wood%20street%2001.jpg" /></a></div> <br /><i>Wood Street encampment of unhoused people stood under a freeway and railroad overpass. </i><i> Volunteers organized to help its hundreds of residents try to resist eviction, but the city and CalTrans forced the encampment's demolition. </i><p></p><p><i> </i></p><p><i></i></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><i><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj-N1QSxBrzdLcBonHw6DLPd-j_E28JubzO_k6qYonk2-DD17vNLJQFiFqRjM2hjdsNgKhOIbx7qoWdKii0CS6-28-zPpByzjysrtvNZrs5v-Y2nH1vblK7uZ7zx9Hw6PhjRa1Kmg6qGi7J1c8IcPCKaj_qMAN4JMe9MtXIxc2F72eSpyFAYt6Fr_pDkt8/s576/dnb%20wood%20street%2002.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="387" data-original-width="576" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj-N1QSxBrzdLcBonHw6DLPd-j_E28JubzO_k6qYonk2-DD17vNLJQFiFqRjM2hjdsNgKhOIbx7qoWdKii0CS6-28-zPpByzjysrtvNZrs5v-Y2nH1vblK7uZ7zx9Hw6PhjRa1Kmg6qGi7J1c8IcPCKaj_qMAN4JMe9MtXIxc2F72eSpyFAYt6Fr_pDkt8/s16000/dnb%20wood%20street%2002.jpg" /></a></i></div><i><br />Benjamin Choyce died from smoke inhalation in a fire in the converted bus where he lived. </i><p></p><p><i> </i></p><p><i></i></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><i><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjsJBZSvgEPcCFSsvpkoyw_SXWeIDZ3sp5gccD49EYEhB4ZMPHSty14yEYnRUb-jSWC9BT1hyphenhyphenw7y7IwnPzYyBGWM7aLk8LCugn-6xUtalV6TtQkNj2ZX96K9KnciowD3yp9vAwF8o9q8nTrcSyDuu5-U9EdLRSBjuoB-NZnoG_f21_-3JlGH8ks5OgrZRI/s576/dnb%20wood%20street%2003.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="387" data-original-width="576" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjsJBZSvgEPcCFSsvpkoyw_SXWeIDZ3sp5gccD49EYEhB4ZMPHSty14yEYnRUb-jSWC9BT1hyphenhyphenw7y7IwnPzYyBGWM7aLk8LCugn-6xUtalV6TtQkNj2ZX96K9KnciowD3yp9vAwF8o9q8nTrcSyDuu5-U9EdLRSBjuoB-NZnoG_f21_-3JlGH8ks5OgrZRI/s16000/dnb%20wood%20street%2003.jpg" /></a></i></div><i></i><p></p><p><i>A living room or artist studio Wood Street resident Jake built under the trestle. </i></p><p><i> </i></p><p><i></i></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><i><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEghLOAtph_0pPwV6wyZn2aa3bnMOEVqetHC3tIH-m70dsv5UPWSvLqQ0kEztc0GHaU2IeMkio11LTjydnDcv19c2r-oRg0vGSZWB4a_V6ZEktZPKcK2wdXDGewor8BK1NZuETaURxEIX1p-LTZic5bXsIcWhxv6J035hPEBtU8TorUtnoeVSNn0bupgl9M/s576/dnb%20wood%20street%2005.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="387" data-original-width="576" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEghLOAtph_0pPwV6wyZn2aa3bnMOEVqetHC3tIH-m70dsv5UPWSvLqQ0kEztc0GHaU2IeMkio11LTjydnDcv19c2r-oRg0vGSZWB4a_V6ZEktZPKcK2wdXDGewor8BK1NZuETaURxEIX1p-LTZic5bXsIcWhxv6J035hPEBtU8TorUtnoeVSNn0bupgl9M/s16000/dnb%20wood%20street%2005.jpg" /></a></i></div><p></p><p><i>Jason, a resident, looked over the remains of homes and belongings after the big fire.</i></p><p><i> </i></p><p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiZJYwyvsq2LaI9UFmvu0NVjTnvUOzMQs8i0vMwLpqUbt29MUuudYLHNLl932vLlkXtxEpDQN2CSN8uS5Jum76RVe6YvyqtJIVRQJcnkeTakAya4BVmWnGISU8z9oKDIvTwRkemB1mg9kR3NoKEEv7IKRUKmSS8CTOABJhUZT9BHTqCHQ1WP3QwSvbLw10/s576/dnb%20wood%20street%2006.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="387" data-original-width="576" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiZJYwyvsq2LaI9UFmvu0NVjTnvUOzMQs8i0vMwLpqUbt29MUuudYLHNLl932vLlkXtxEpDQN2CSN8uS5Jum76RVe6YvyqtJIVRQJcnkeTakAya4BVmWnGISU8z9oKDIvTwRkemB1mg9kR3NoKEEv7IKRUKmSS8CTOABJhUZT9BHTqCHQ1WP3QwSvbLw10/s16000/dnb%20wood%20street%2006.jpg" /></a></div><i></i><p></p><p><i>A car burned in the last big fire. When cars were burning, CalTrans had to close the freeway above. </i></p><p><i> </i></p><p><i></i></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><i><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhEb5LxXwhXSCXhHvNd-3Do7dC3wcJVgOggZwsCZVP-r-AXtXkMFzygDgn0YwGwGIPXW5JUZ2LSFzykzgna_b3kg-O7mwXgyrWjs3Bl0-eY8IVZKiY1_y8TCDJ9mzevy0jqowD-4S6OFuXpBNJMDFa0beRcWS4KwMm5JD1hloqNss3O3aitsA-70i1puhE/s576/dnb%20wood%20street%2008.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="387" data-original-width="576" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhEb5LxXwhXSCXhHvNd-3Do7dC3wcJVgOggZwsCZVP-r-AXtXkMFzygDgn0YwGwGIPXW5JUZ2LSFzykzgna_b3kg-O7mwXgyrWjs3Bl0-eY8IVZKiY1_y8TCDJ9mzevy0jqowD-4S6OFuXpBNJMDFa0beRcWS4KwMm5JD1hloqNss3O3aitsA-70i1puhE/s16000/dnb%20wood%20street%2008.jpg" /></a></i></div><i> <br />Some residents and volunteers built small homes with straw and mud, called cob, in a section of the camp they called Cob on Wood. </i><p></p><p><i> </i></p><p><i></i></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><i><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEheZ6_hPzrA6Uv7bUa9CGIvfHVXecqV76E7z6eytoPJhFh2f5h8camGfYGnH3L4tOOAo0VZv_UqAUd9qbTRlQzDoQBoGbDCxqsqpnLmoS-6UM3D4DyvhM3HQ9N62jAH_FY2nxaRGN2HR0G8UlYbLBcdoUYDIcDfYM42so69LXggOmP0cs8B_2DbMfKbm7Y/s576/dnb%20wood%20street%2009.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="387" data-original-width="576" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEheZ6_hPzrA6Uv7bUa9CGIvfHVXecqV76E7z6eytoPJhFh2f5h8camGfYGnH3L4tOOAo0VZv_UqAUd9qbTRlQzDoQBoGbDCxqsqpnLmoS-6UM3D4DyvhM3HQ9N62jAH_FY2nxaRGN2HR0G8UlYbLBcdoUYDIcDfYM42so69LXggOmP0cs8B_2DbMfKbm7Y/s16000/dnb%20wood%20street%2009.jpg" /></a></i><i> </i><br /></div><p><i>After BNSF Railroad and CalTrans announced they would force people to leave, notices were put on vehicles warning of the impending eviction. </i></p><p><i> </i></p><p><i></i></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><i><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjY9_Tv9dnyM565yFZmWR5HF-Gemi72Gdrx7gdoTkPs9LZbrHyd1CueLjNWRgwjIXppvwhGRNkXVcyuNo6RvmuRglhCkfY7EwUyTT0AQ7Ozfaeyou1ALor6v2c7uPkxZ4HfGG4cCa06YFt74GGJQR_5J_jk1YT_GRGT-gMdVtQH3y1EBhMDZO5elWiZ920/s576/dnb%20wood%20street%2012.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="387" data-original-width="576" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjY9_Tv9dnyM565yFZmWR5HF-Gemi72Gdrx7gdoTkPs9LZbrHyd1CueLjNWRgwjIXppvwhGRNkXVcyuNo6RvmuRglhCkfY7EwUyTT0AQ7Ozfaeyou1ALor6v2c7uPkxZ4HfGG4cCa06YFt74GGJQR_5J_jk1YT_GRGT-gMdVtQH3y1EBhMDZO5elWiZ920/s16000/dnb%20wood%20street%2012.jpg" /></a></i></div><p></p><p><i>Adam Davis poured water into a tank in his car, readying himself to move to another location <br /></i></p><p></p><p><i> </i></p><p><i></i></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><i><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhKZDPf3hdvjX3nUDOnNxwGz05gYc1Lquh1Iz6xUboC_2pp06v4dvAh0S9ern4t1zVRky7fgVtwUU2gVTrY73aDQ1Mv_xAoJ_M6tsnXAicqETk5PPN-e9ctLDok88SKZHtHoB7Ey9jQPnTozYWoQw7vdMUGSiri-db_HrzP_Jkm1Co0sfCCTE4shTNLJqI/s576/dnb%20wood%20street%2015.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="387" data-original-width="576" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhKZDPf3hdvjX3nUDOnNxwGz05gYc1Lquh1Iz6xUboC_2pp06v4dvAh0S9ern4t1zVRky7fgVtwUU2gVTrY73aDQ1Mv_xAoJ_M6tsnXAicqETk5PPN-e9ctLDok88SKZHtHoB7Ey9jQPnTozYWoQw7vdMUGSiri-db_HrzP_Jkm1Co0sfCCTE4shTNLJqI/s16000/dnb%20wood%20street%2015.jpg" /></a></i><i> <br /></i></div><p></p><p><i>Heavy equipment was brought into the Wood Street encampment to frighten residents into leaving without more protest. </i></p><p><i> </i></p><p><i></i></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><i><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjTFAzzyBsEdfRLpXskMMAejKw2kOzRpM3yJL6QrDHrkclKGUveEPzJR_DHIMwIhnawxDriAijU6Qoqh5bg71msgRuE5Psc9hf4K1pPov2UcbkpAnQqlR1krrOUqi0Fe6_vpqCDxuseNDryu1JOpjC44wMmgPO06czmsuV3X3V5KTDsyKuzwSA34iR6B4c/s576/dnb%20wood%20street%2017.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="387" data-original-width="576" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjTFAzzyBsEdfRLpXskMMAejKw2kOzRpM3yJL6QrDHrkclKGUveEPzJR_DHIMwIhnawxDriAijU6Qoqh5bg71msgRuE5Psc9hf4K1pPov2UcbkpAnQqlR1krrOUqi0Fe6_vpqCDxuseNDryu1JOpjC44wMmgPO06czmsuV3X3V5KTDsyKuzwSA34iR6B4c/s16000/dnb%20wood%20street%2017.jpg" /></a></i></div><i> <br />As a resident watched, a forklift hoisted a resident's SUV and took it out of the camp under the freeway. </i><p></p><p><i> </i></p><p><i> </i></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><i><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh0bxFvjpG-h58jDp-E4-lnavG9hBM3q0nPioSsrgqtVIfb8PTI6ZyM30FysUQfhmc1R3ecix3bE6wkmkhwyIWiUityJosAwRsx754QIySKBL4v0WEjBVhmbmIead_7jyrVrJDCASiHuZ46aMv4dabVpiNQNoH21HNvSqIXrX5tXhsyA0j1emqTKgPjKsA/s576/dnb%20wood%20street%2018.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="387" data-original-width="576" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh0bxFvjpG-h58jDp-E4-lnavG9hBM3q0nPioSsrgqtVIfb8PTI6ZyM30FysUQfhmc1R3ecix3bE6wkmkhwyIWiUityJosAwRsx754QIySKBL4v0WEjBVhmbmIead_7jyrVrJDCASiHuZ46aMv4dabVpiNQNoH21HNvSqIXrX5tXhsyA0j1emqTKgPjKsA/s16000/dnb%20wood%20street%2018.jpg" /></a></i></div><i><br />Day laborers were brought to clear the encampment. </i><p></p><p><i> </i></p><p><i></i></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><i><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhbY5JaMyXK8ZdWK13JyRANuy-NDqOQcio5W97iz6hsJm6Kzvma3mKAkbRXIw1B6Q-71HygTUTsPo0vfb0_rYspyJW8rTLMA5CDngPla2xFKL7XSmA0oR5tW71eXm9oKFTDtxAJCpxsUEKHfc3p8pGj13mqLn14elp_sil5tmAhBYd3srwZLND4V1hDr9g/s576/dnb%20wood%20street%2019.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="387" data-original-width="576" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhbY5JaMyXK8ZdWK13JyRANuy-NDqOQcio5W97iz6hsJm6Kzvma3mKAkbRXIw1B6Q-71HygTUTsPo0vfb0_rYspyJW8rTLMA5CDngPla2xFKL7XSmA0oR5tW71eXm9oKFTDtxAJCpxsUEKHfc3p8pGj13mqLn14elp_sil5tmAhBYd3srwZLND4V1hDr9g/s16000/dnb%20wood%20street%2019.jpg" /></a></i></div><i> <br />The day laborers brought to clear the encampment were Mexican and Central American workers, who find temporary jobs by waiting on Oakland sidewalks. </i><p></p><p><i> </i></p><p><i></i></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><i><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjNME42hnkjIyRewaPTNud79-yh4eaJ62ClRnhYnKaNUqVJBqVcKhbr06JZFHOeag9v7EM4p1ssUPKWCkTQXiPCkg6EvD8lgAiOwma9Gd33ZsoBU5PQgG4q2K3ZvcC18xsm4cTH1Xu-E_PzNWe253RiRxwCvg_VITzkZRJsWA4h4_rRT9SjLitT3QOkYxU/s576/dnb%20wood%20street%2020.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="387" data-original-width="576" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjNME42hnkjIyRewaPTNud79-yh4eaJ62ClRnhYnKaNUqVJBqVcKhbr06JZFHOeag9v7EM4p1ssUPKWCkTQXiPCkg6EvD8lgAiOwma9Gd33ZsoBU5PQgG4q2K3ZvcC18xsm4cTH1Xu-E_PzNWe253RiRxwCvg_VITzkZRJsWA4h4_rRT9SjLitT3QOkYxU/s16000/dnb%20wood%20street%2020.jpg" /></a></i></div><i> <br />Residents and supporters wrote their last appeals, posting them on a fence they built to protect their meeting area. </i><p></p><p><i> </i></p><p><i></i></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><i><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhSerYNzinG6zhAHEa4ASQ3YLxyrVvY-ryNeE_v9RfMAaOG6uGvZCo_QdSHBMReBsTFMXcjrR7hcEVOW_wY8wHPHpOak_plfhPk5sOlsArB8bW4RqLiq8zikVt2wYal4dwsftEwy4VKl5R0Kq2l1ZKDP7ZYHoZ1KvzyLP250u-9cIKWT3e44teY0R3MRhw/s576/dnb%20wood%20street%2021.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="387" data-original-width="576" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhSerYNzinG6zhAHEa4ASQ3YLxyrVvY-ryNeE_v9RfMAaOG6uGvZCo_QdSHBMReBsTFMXcjrR7hcEVOW_wY8wHPHpOak_plfhPk5sOlsArB8bW4RqLiq8zikVt2wYal4dwsftEwy4VKl5R0Kq2l1ZKDP7ZYHoZ1KvzyLP250u-9cIKWT3e44teY0R3MRhw/s16000/dnb%20wood%20street%2021.jpg" /></a></i></div><i> <br />A volunteer brought in sound equipment for one last jam before the eviction. </i><p></p><p><i> </i></p><p><i></i></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><i><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEimiMOh0GxrwEqeyuxSrcighlxcNc_SYJkbSpi32MyMvjJocPmB0InnrGQQggZIFUkJlnXjBdXbWbUfHD9acRX13UvDE-24bDfoC8hAs2GNmU6ekUeuEGK0WGo3nyJOZHgBC6fXXxC4zLSHTRxjr3dvt4EhbUkJtyNNQCXe4FE9KqgtbgUP9cf2BTzWQRc/s576/dnb%20wood%20street%2023.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="387" data-original-width="576" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEimiMOh0GxrwEqeyuxSrcighlxcNc_SYJkbSpi32MyMvjJocPmB0InnrGQQggZIFUkJlnXjBdXbWbUfHD9acRX13UvDE-24bDfoC8hAs2GNmU6ekUeuEGK0WGo3nyJOZHgBC6fXXxC4zLSHTRxjr3dvt4EhbUkJtyNNQCXe4FE9KqgtbgUP9cf2BTzWQRc/s16000/dnb%20wood%20street%2023.jpg" /></a></i></div><i> <br />Day laborers hoisted a sofa left behind into a dumpster as trucks left the huge port of Oakland on the freeway overpass above. </i><p></p><p><i> </i></p><p><i></i></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><i><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj34ZQhyphenhyphenksDMUEORlZ3NgmCqdz0JGvH-ZnnIeDb7Ca6GNvyMYj0OX_DKQi-W2cnRlMmG07NsamLW0NXzY6AYtqF-ai1PCRVQ-rICyMsrVOby1E672ySOhx5Ta-zzXSewHLKNplR9u9TWBJ-92gU6SpV5wPDSSe40wzgKsk3bWrjozg_F0O9ete0voGQJIk/s576/dnb%20wood%20street%2024.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="387" data-original-width="576" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj34ZQhyphenhyphenksDMUEORlZ3NgmCqdz0JGvH-ZnnIeDb7Ca6GNvyMYj0OX_DKQi-W2cnRlMmG07NsamLW0NXzY6AYtqF-ai1PCRVQ-rICyMsrVOby1E672ySOhx5Ta-zzXSewHLKNplR9u9TWBJ-92gU6SpV5wPDSSe40wzgKsk3bWrjozg_F0O9ete0voGQJIk/s16000/dnb%20wood%20street%2024.jpg" /></a></i></div><i> <br />Dolls and a flag were the ironic comments left on a vehicle under the freeway, about to be towed away. </i><br /><p></p>davidbaconhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/08469116035735786689noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3459520319181539184.post-29458717162969936312024-02-12T10:46:00.000-08:002024-02-12T10:46:59.428-08:00FORCED MIGRATION AND DETENTION ARE THE REAL IMMIGRATION CRISIS<p>FORCED MIGRATION AND DETENTION ARE THE REAL IMMIGRATION CRISIS<br />By David Bacon <br />Jacobin, 2/11/24<br /><a href="https://jacobin.com/2024/02/migration-detention-ice-immigration-crisis">https://jacobin.com/2024/02/migration-detention-ice-immigration-crisis</a></p><p><br /></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiPO5nC5-BTLKH-gjj8nLjyiqdGolCbUnr1BwLfIQfKqbwEpvHfWParHoidQ_T1Dm5wuklRSGnKVzvzQYtjg4vooSnyefoWhTmk6Yrm8vjJuYihj_dgGWs-Q_YJ0OkmMWU2bzKEoTYHtrW_PxCt_iSxLboulJgophbeERqQhbhUsquFH3C5hZYNeEoVt1A/s720/01.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiPO5nC5-BTLKH-gjj8nLjyiqdGolCbUnr1BwLfIQfKqbwEpvHfWParHoidQ_T1Dm5wuklRSGnKVzvzQYtjg4vooSnyefoWhTmk6Yrm8vjJuYihj_dgGWs-Q_YJ0OkmMWU2bzKEoTYHtrW_PxCt_iSxLboulJgophbeERqQhbhUsquFH3C5hZYNeEoVt1A/s16000/01.jpg" /></a></div> <br /><i>A migrant looks over the fence between Mexico and the US in Tijuana, Baja California Norte, 1996, trying to find a moment when the Border Patrol may not be looking so that he can go through the hole under it and cross. A Nahuatl legend says that when people go to the underworld, they are guided by a dog. (Courtesy of David Bacon)</i><br /><br />Review of <i>Humanizing Immigration: How to Transform Our Racist and Unjust System</i> by Bill Ong Hing (Beacon Press, 2023)<br /><br />A photograph by Brandon Bell, distributed by CNN, shows fifteen beefy men in military caps and fatigues, standing in front of a chain-link fence on a concrete boat ramp. It is evening in Shelby Park, the city park of Eagle Pass, Texas. The frigid water of the Rio Grande flows just footsteps away. On the other side in the distance is a riverbank: Mexico.<br /><br />It was here in the dark, on January 14, that Victerma de la Sancha Cerros, a thirty-three-year-old mother from Mexico City, stepped into the water holding the hands of her two children, ten-year-old Yorlei Ruby and eight-year-old Jonathan Agustín Briones de la Sancha. We don't know how they got into trouble in the strong current or if they even knew how to swim. Grupo Beta, Mexico's border rescue service, saw them struggling and called the US Border Patrol. Agents went to the park gate, a couple of miles from the boat ramp. The beefy men in fatigues, soldiers of the Texas Military Department (TMD), refused to let them through.<br /><br />Mexican authorities tried to rescue the mom and her children but were only able to save two others. The three drowned, and Grupo Beta could only return to Mexico with their bodies. Later the TMD said its soldiers, standing behind their chain-link barrier, had shone high-powered lights on the water and used their night-vision goggles, but somehow had seen nothing.<br /><br />The White House called the event "tragic" and used it as evidence to support its case before the US Supreme Court, challenging Texas's assertion that it is entitled to erect razor-wire border barriers and use its own soldiers to stop migrants from crossing the river. "The Texas governor's policies are cruel, dangerous, and inhumane," said a spokesperson from the federal Department of Homeland Security (DHS). "Texas officials . . . allowed two children to drown," Congressman Joaquin Castro added.<br /><br />Yet within days, President Joe Biden told a campaign rally that if Congress passed a bill to continue funding war in Ukraine and genocide in Gaza, he would agree to anti-migrant provisions that are part of the reason de la Sancha and her children drowned. "I will shut down the border immediately," he promised.<br /><br />Biden didn't mean that trucks carrying jeans and TV screens from Mexican factories would be stopped from crossing or that he would halt the flow of respectable people with visas. He meant stopping migrants like de la Sancha, who are treated as though they are a threat and an enemy. She might have been fleeing from drug violence in her neighborhood or perhaps she couldn't make enough money to keep food on the table, or maybe she was trying to find a family member working on the US side of the border. Regardless, she had no visa.<p></p><p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEglDLFXHNg6DiSaRZkCRjQYhMtk_nD3NuQCQbuesCN2cmngLlECIJxoZciWygwKnUXkJ3v6aYvf5wXRLp2GaAhnXx1sVLMF8koKrrdxtzcvUY60AkGmTLRbEpiUBKdJ5O84BM441Ny5Co-calp23bVTEEYufAiBJmP3QWsqoGqbwgq7m4Vuom_gwaJNfRw/s720/02.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEglDLFXHNg6DiSaRZkCRjQYhMtk_nD3NuQCQbuesCN2cmngLlECIJxoZciWygwKnUXkJ3v6aYvf5wXRLp2GaAhnXx1sVLMF8koKrrdxtzcvUY60AkGmTLRbEpiUBKdJ5O84BM441Ny5Co-calp23bVTEEYufAiBJmP3QWsqoGqbwgq7m4Vuom_gwaJNfRw/s16000/02.jpg" /></a></div> <br /><i>A memorial at the border fence for those who have died trying to cross in Tijuana, Baja California Norte, 2001. (Courtesy of David Bacon) </i><p></p><p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhLsCt0cqcl1Gk2-4wPE3p0OCi8LY0EkKVdtlKP9klFZvw_LVx6I9aoEYRshxlPxXOOK_rN84Sv2mOl3HfN4xjPgpuUlrTXMuLXqpIcYRv-bxRYSOwwB5vlwc1iCkxgzwcY-WRIprK5I3GtBr8Z5mv2Y5pFkkyXnZvWETZAok3AOmr9IBz0h2QXy7C800Y/s720/03.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhLsCt0cqcl1Gk2-4wPE3p0OCi8LY0EkKVdtlKP9klFZvw_LVx6I9aoEYRshxlPxXOOK_rN84Sv2mOl3HfN4xjPgpuUlrTXMuLXqpIcYRv-bxRYSOwwB5vlwc1iCkxgzwcY-WRIprK5I3GtBr8Z5mv2Y5pFkkyXnZvWETZAok3AOmr9IBz0h2QXy7C800Y/s16000/03.jpg" /></a></div> <br /><i>Migrants found dead on the border between US and Mexico, in the area of the Imperial Valley and Colorado River, are buried in a potter's field graveyard in Holtville, California. The identities of many are not known and are buried as "John Doe" or "Jane Doe." Immigrant rights and religious activists have made crosses for many of the graves, most of which say "No Olvidados" or "Not Forgotten." About 450 bodies are buried here. This image was taken in 2010. (Courtesy David Bacon) </i><br /><br />No money, running from something or someone, trying to keep a family together and give it a future, or just needing a job at whatever wage - these are the commonalities of the thousands who arrive at the US border every year. In his 2023 book, Humanizing Immigration: How to Transform Our Racist and Unjust System, Bill Ong Hing rises to their defense. And migrants need defenders like him, especially now. Texas governor Greg Abbott has pushed through a law that makes being undocumented a state crime. Republicans in Congress last year proposed to build more border walls, create barriers to asylum, force the firing of millions of undocumented workers, and permit children to be held in detention prisons with their parents.<br /><br />But Biden and centrist Democrats are very willing to agree to modified proposals like these, even if he promised in his 2020 campaign to undo similar measures put in place by Donald Trump. In return for war appropriations, Biden agrees that he'll close the border to asylum applicants if their number rises beyond five thousand per day, and make it much harder to navigate the process for gaining legal status, for those even allowed to apply.<br /><br />In Humanizing Immigration, Hing describes the tenacious battles fought by radical immigration lawyers and community defenders (himself among them) to beat off these efforts to twist the legal process into a maze few can navigate. At the time of writing, Biden has already said he would cut short the time for screening asylum applicants to ninety days. According to Hing, "rocket dockets" and "dedicated dockets" already reduce the ability of migrants to find lawyers and make a case for asylum. Cutting screening time would make winning permission to stay much more difficult.<br /><br />An onerous process already exists, Hing charges, in which an arcane difference between a "well-founded fear" and a "clear probability" of persecution govern life-and-death decisions by immigration judges hearing asylum cases. He quotes one asylum officer featured in the film Well-Founded Fear who denies a claim because the person fleeing can't remember if he was kidnapped by two men or three. "Let's face it," Hing says. "Most of the problems with decision-making over asylum cases are tinged with racism."<br /><br />To keep people imprisoned while their cases are in process, instead of releasing them, Biden agreed to more detention centers, a euphemism for immigrant prisons. There are already over two hundred, according to the group Freedom for Immigrants. Under a law signed by President Barack Obama, Congress required that thirty-four thousand detention beds be filled every night. At the end of 2023 those beds held 36,263 people, and another 194,427 were in "Alternatives to Detention" - wearing the hated ankle bracelets that bar travel more than a few blocks. Over 90 percent of these jails are run for profit by private companies like the Geo Group, familiar to labor activists as the current incarnation of the old Pinkerton detective agency of strikebreaking fame.<br /><br />Even if de la Sancha and her kids had made it across the river, these compromises would likely have meant their new home would be a cell. Ending family separation was tenaciously fought for in the suits Hing describes, and won in a reform that Biden did implement when he took office. But like other protections, these are granular advances (or the regaining of previous rights) that are never safe and must be defended again and again. Humanizing Immigration recounts the many courtroom battles that won them, naming and profiling the courageous migrants willing to stand up, and their equally courageous and tireless lawyers.<p></p><p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjaK0CpdGYgBlRcobdRdfR2pUqfa00sQnLwy4vKdKXKxca8RvtNn5yU3Xb5_IpvRhfBp27uhRzeRYZ-6IsS3ao3H7ftRRxSih28-Cl41IY36SRnlzz46sPyHzd2iLe4RJLX9ScV4c4VxqlhBX0YOtORVqHpz277F61n9BZ5mBLZ3K5wTi6x7zjTnGVMEFY/s720/04.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjaK0CpdGYgBlRcobdRdfR2pUqfa00sQnLwy4vKdKXKxca8RvtNn5yU3Xb5_IpvRhfBp27uhRzeRYZ-6IsS3ao3H7ftRRxSih28-Cl41IY36SRnlzz46sPyHzd2iLe4RJLX9ScV4c4VxqlhBX0YOtORVqHpz277F61n9BZ5mBLZ3K5wTi6x7zjTnGVMEFY/s16000/04.jpg" /></a></div> <br /><i>A worker is deported back into Mexico at the border gate, from a bus that has taken deportees from the detention center in El Centro in the Imperial Valley, under the watchful gaze of a National Guard soldier, Mexicali, Baja California Norte, 1996. (Courtesy of David Bacon) </i><p></p><p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh6VkxrEVIv_KGdgD3_XDZgUu-Zh0nsM9wC3f_HChqVC5Czvg52Xh8L8Ugje8FBAID85PGxtq3IJ29Isah96j8SoRyjyUZ66-HM8lRcePYVkn_TtVIyFQJ1AOym3f0Bp8w4Vcv3TJKz-uJf1L0rqb2d_W0iaZyMpMyA50ryIQmEulP1IrNighr6PFFsNR8/s720/05.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh6VkxrEVIv_KGdgD3_XDZgUu-Zh0nsM9wC3f_HChqVC5Czvg52Xh8L8Ugje8FBAID85PGxtq3IJ29Isah96j8SoRyjyUZ66-HM8lRcePYVkn_TtVIyFQJ1AOym3f0Bp8w4Vcv3TJKz-uJf1L0rqb2d_W0iaZyMpMyA50ryIQmEulP1IrNighr6PFFsNR8/s16000/05.jpg" /></a></div> <br /><i>Immigrants, workers, union members, people of faith, and community activists called for a moratorium on deportations. Almost 400,000 people had been deported every year for the previous five years. Photo taken in East Palo Alto, California, 2014. (Courtesy of David Bacon) </i><br /><br /><br />Criminalizing Existence<br /><br />Of those profiled by Hing in Humanizing Immigration, one person stands out: Reverend Deborah Lee, who coordinates the Interfaith Movement for Human Integrity (IM4HR). She and a tiny staff constantly mobilize a network of faith activists throughout California, marching from one detention center to the next, speaking in working-class black churches and morally outraged suburban congregations.<br /><br />They are extremely effective. When California legislators voted to do away with privately run migrant prisons, their action (not surprisingly overturned by a federal court) owed much to Lee and people like her, willing to go into the streets for justice. A memo from US Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE), an agency of the DHS, admitted that the California ban on private detention centers would be "a devastating blow to the ongoing ICE mission." That mission was, and is, incarcerating migrants.<br /><br />Lee's odyssey is worth a book in itself. I met her when we both helped organize workers at the Pacific Steel foundry in Berkeley, California, to resist another form of immigration punishment, the I-9 check. ICE had gone through the documents of hundreds of the factory's workers and accused over two hundred of not having papers and demanded that the company fire them. Some had spent over two decades working the foundry's heavy, gritty jobs. For two years, workers and their allies built a community support base that, in the end, couldn't save those jobs, but that helped them survive, not a small accomplishment. Hing and I authored an article afterward, "The Rise and Fall of Employer Sanctions," about the brutality of this form of immigration enforcement.<br /><br />One lesson underscored at Pacific Steel was that the vulnerability of undocumented immigrants has economic consequences for other workers too. Good union organizers know this - a union has to effectively oppose immigration raids and firings if it wants to protect workers and win their loyalty. At the same time, immigrants under attack must find ways to unite with the community around them - an indispensable lesson for this political moment. Overcoming today's increasingly reactionary and dangerous right-wing threat requires the unity of immigrants and nonimmigrants: each must fight for the other. A Biden strategy that throws immigrants under the bus will make that impossible and could lose the election in 2024.<br /><br />As the workers' battle in Berkeley unfolded, Lee started another, organizing monthly vigils at the ICE detention center just a few miles from the plant (and even closer to many workers' homes). It took seven years of speaking before the social justice committees of Jews, Catholics, Protestants, and Buddhists, and then bringing congregations out to protest, before they could force the center to close. IM4HR became a formidable force battling ICE and taking its closure campaigns to communities around other jails and prisons.<br /><br />Lee and her coworkers developed an understanding about the relationship between class and immigration, between race and the migrant carceral system, and about the roots of migration itself. She took delegations to Honduras and Guatemala, in support of activists there. On their return, faith activists alerted congregations and communities to the fights in those countries for political and social change - for an alternative to forced migration for survival.<br /><br />I described those fights as they took place in Mexico, from factories on the border to cornfields in Oaxaca, in my books The Children of NAFTA: Labor Wars on the US/Mexico Border and Illegal People: How Globalization Creates Migration and Criminalizes Immigrants. These books documented the impact of US policy, displacing millions of people in Mexico, and then criminalizing them as they became border crossers and immigrant workers. Another book I wrote, The Right to Stay Home: How US Policy Drives Mexican Migration, gave a voice to migrant activists demanding a double set of rights - the right to migrate, with social and political equality, and the right to not migrate, i.e., for political change in communities of origin so that migration is not forced by the need to survive.<br /><br />This understanding was the basis of Hing's earlier book Ethical Borders: NAFTA, Globalization, and Mexican Migration. "Instead of addressing the contemporary causes of undocumented Mexican migration that are linked to NAFTA and globalization," he wrote, "the United States has addressed the symptoms of the challenge by adopting an enforcement only approach."<p></p><p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgmZwH2HMUZ-nlOLqaxdKZnZgCzm55Q2wb0zzETs5_dXUYzQJXvWlDG2PJUBvyGXDWV5rJCMXWQoPxKVwdP94mTsdOYUAfwuhvGV7HG16diGwkAC-NWLmoN12srhbkLMEWaqQ5xrBVsW-sU04AfAlxAuelBLVB6RbkT9M1WZ35Nt1eO2glul9ECIP5iaVU/s720/06.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgmZwH2HMUZ-nlOLqaxdKZnZgCzm55Q2wb0zzETs5_dXUYzQJXvWlDG2PJUBvyGXDWV5rJCMXWQoPxKVwdP94mTsdOYUAfwuhvGV7HG16diGwkAC-NWLmoN12srhbkLMEWaqQ5xrBVsW-sU04AfAlxAuelBLVB6RbkT9M1WZ35Nt1eO2glul9ECIP5iaVU/s16000/06.jpg" /></a></div> <br />People of faith and immigrants in front of the West County Detention Center, where immigrants have incarcerated before being deported. Victor Aguilar and Hugo Aguilar were recently released detainees and embraced each other in front of the detention during the last vigil before the center was closed, showing the friendship that had developed between them during months inside. Rev. Deborah Lee looked on. Photo taken in Richmond, California, 2018. (Courtesy of David Bacon) <p></p><p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEipKS-i7laZ8vIe1G1ZtB6iGgolEb8jBTrP3qMzDmsxIv6Nmq8tIuzXmDXtm9rqZgaX4FCxPdWlaY80Z_7jpKpsGLFroV8x-Ox5G2swNGFOSyF2hlWAyKW5_EB7unUtFtN5kO-9ySmWbf2eKQvVddSiJTDGuK6tH_MfF9B78Ov9ZvboIONPE2M_ozEzZ1M/s720/07.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEipKS-i7laZ8vIe1G1ZtB6iGgolEb8jBTrP3qMzDmsxIv6Nmq8tIuzXmDXtm9rqZgaX4FCxPdWlaY80Z_7jpKpsGLFroV8x-Ox5G2swNGFOSyF2hlWAyKW5_EB7unUtFtN5kO-9ySmWbf2eKQvVddSiJTDGuK6tH_MfF9B78Ov9ZvboIONPE2M_ozEzZ1M/s16000/07.jpg" /></a></div> <br /><i>The Mixteca region of Oaxaca is one of the poorest areas in Mexico. Indigenous Mixtec, Triqui, and other groups from this region now make up a large percentage of the migrants who have left to work in the United States. Photo taken in Santiago de Juxtlahuaca, Oaxaca, 2008. (Courtesy of David Bacon) </i><br /><br /><br />Ignoring the Root Causes<br /><br />Hing puts forward a basic truth: winning public understanding of immigration is the only way to decisively defeat anti-immigrant hysteria. Yet centrist Democrats, caving in to the onslaught of Republicans and MAGA acolytes, won't acknowledge the causes of immigration. This failure long predates Biden.<br /><br />When large numbers of unaccompanied children started coming from Central America during the Obama administration, as it faced midterm elections in 2014, the president told mothers not to send their children north, admonishing them as though they were bad parents. "Do not send your children to the borders," he said. "If they do make it, they'll get sent back. More importantly, they may not make it."<br /><br />President Obama made some acknowledgement of the poverty and violence that impelled them to come despite his warning, but drew the line at recognizing this migration's historical roots, much less any culpability on the part of our government. President Biden sent Vice President Kamala Harris to Central America in his first year in office with a similar message - don't come.<br /><br />Today this unwillingness to look at US responsibility for producing displacement and migration is starkest in relation to Haitians and Venezuelans, who have made up a large percentage of the migrants arriving at the Rio Grande in the last two years.<br /><br />After Haitians finally rid themselves of the US-supported François Duvalier regime and elected Jean-Bertrand Aristide president, the United States put him on an outbound plane in 2004, as it did with Manuel Zelaya in Honduras. A string of US-backed corrupt but business-friendly governments followed, which pocketed millions while Haitians went hungry and became homeless by the tens of thousands after earthquakes and other disasters. "The treatment of Haitian migrants," Hing charges, "demonstrates how immigration laws and policies are . . . a concrete manifestation of systemic and institutionalized racism."<br /><br />Survival in Venezuela became impossible for many as its economy suffered body blows from US political intervention and economic sanctions. President Biden allowed Chevron, Repsol, and Eni to sell Venezuelan oil once Russian oil was embargoed during the Ukraine war, but the basic sanctions making survival precarious remain in place. Meanwhile, the ongoing effort to unseat its government continues. National security spokesman John Kirby demanded more political changes in late January, and threatened, "They've got till the spring."<br /><br />These interventions produce migrants and then criminalize them. In 2023, the Border Patrol took 334,914 Venezuelans and 163,701 Haitians into custody. And while promoting military intervention in Haiti and regime change in Venezuela, the Biden administration put people on deportation flights back home, in the hope that this would discourage others from starting the journey north.<br /><br />The US media endlessly interprets this as a "border crisis," but the disconnect is obvious to anyone born south of the Mexican border. For Sergio Sosa, who grew up during the Guatemalan civil war and now heads the Heartland Workers Center in Omaha, migration is a form of resistance to empire. "People from Europe and the US crossed borders to come to us, and took over our land and economy," he points out. "Now it's our turn to cross borders. Migration is a form of fighting back. We're in our situation, not because we decided to be, but because we're in the US's backyard. People have to resist to keep their communities and identities alive. We are demonstrating that we are human beings too."<p></p><p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh0N-RsDfGwVDjMM-QVSxySKFZwAm5qC8BgQSICMU0_J-TO5x1S7XthQsraBsvvw75cPrW9V_j8Vr3LY89Wmj3hNmqMyESfRJ6u9ELLNylxURyjKTyHFEcKNtadsXViqJ_-C2IqrGX3rRRxMIBNy1T0JlMmPRHApRdIeMmVsL1fO0QaLj8evBrE2UB0OXM/s720/08.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh0N-RsDfGwVDjMM-QVSxySKFZwAm5qC8BgQSICMU0_J-TO5x1S7XthQsraBsvvw75cPrW9V_j8Vr3LY89Wmj3hNmqMyESfRJ6u9ELLNylxURyjKTyHFEcKNtadsXViqJ_-C2IqrGX3rRRxMIBNy1T0JlMmPRHApRdIeMmVsL1fO0QaLj8evBrE2UB0OXM/s16000/08.jpg" /></a></div> <br /><i>Gina, a Haitian refugee, washes clothes in Mexico City in 2023. Several hundred Haitian refugees lived in tents in Giordano Bruno Park. They'd come from Haiti through Central America headed to the US border, but knew they'd probably be prevented from crossing. (Courtesy of David Bacon) </i><p></p><p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEifLZOEFMQykYcEO-qdV_RO-jHGqX01D5m1w5_ilcAEB_vDR0DQRDAyw0sTycNmomNHNn4b79R0xWPrBAJc5PAtWltJ6HhYig3fv-pSAIW1aQ2Y0m2bAeY-CrndHsJvfJ9yX5qxg8vEJ8Tn1F5a-zQwlJImQxFzA57uiabmrbXjOoAgZ9Qo2iTD0CfuoGo/s720/09.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEifLZOEFMQykYcEO-qdV_RO-jHGqX01D5m1w5_ilcAEB_vDR0DQRDAyw0sTycNmomNHNn4b79R0xWPrBAJc5PAtWltJ6HhYig3fv-pSAIW1aQ2Y0m2bAeY-CrndHsJvfJ9yX5qxg8vEJ8Tn1F5a-zQwlJImQxFzA57uiabmrbXjOoAgZ9Qo2iTD0CfuoGo/s16000/09.jpg" /></a></div> <br /><i>Michelle Medina, a Venezuelan migrant, nurses her baby Salome Comenal in a camp of Venezuelan and Haitian refugees in Mexico City, 2023. (Courtesy of David Bacon) </i><br /><br /><br />Displacement Is the Crisis<br /><br />Biden calls the border "broken" and "in crisis." That is the biggest concession to the media-driven storm that repeats these words endlessly. From them flows the hysteria that justifies repression.<br /><br />Department of Homeland Security statistics show, however, that over the decades the numbers of people crossing the border and subject to deportation rise and fall, while displacement and forced migration remain constant. In 2022 about 1.1 million people were expelled after trying to cross, and another 350,000 deported. In 1992 about 1.2 million were stopped at the border, and 1.1 million deported. Over a million people were deported in 1954 during the infamous "Operation Wetback." Arrests at the border totaled over a million in twenty-nine of the last forty-six years.<br /><br />Last year the number arrested at the border was higher: about 2.5 million. But the real point is that the migration flow has not stopped and will not stop anytime soon. What, then, is the "crisis"? New York Times reporter Miriam Jordan says, "In December alone, more than 300,000 people crossed the southern border, a record number." They all believe, she says, that "once they make it into the United States they will be able to stay. Forever. And by and large, they are not wrong."<br /><br />In fact, the number of refugee admissions in 2022 was 60,000. In 1992 it was 132,000. According to Jordan, applicants are simply released to live normal lives until their date before an immigration judge. That will certainly be news to families facing separation and the constant threat of deportation. But this is what Republicans and anti-immigrant Democrats call an "invasion," and against it Biden threatens to "shut the border." So enforcement and deterrence are the means to stop people from coming in the first place.<br /><br />Should Trump win the election in November, he promises to reinstitute the notorious family separation policy. Children who survive the crossing, unlike Yorlei and Jonathan, might not see their moms again for months and easily be lost, as so many were, in the huge detention system. Oklahoma senator James Lankford wants to reintroduce the "Remain in Mexico" policy, under which people wanting asylum were not allowed to enter the United States to file their applications, and the Mexican government was forced to set up detention centers just south of the border to house them while they waited. Trump and other Republicans would imprison all migrants who face a court proceeding, applying to stay or stopping a deportation. Pending cases now number in the millions, because the immigration court system is starved for the resources needed to process them.<p></p><p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg_wQDhWKu_xHOUD4jVHj_RLhOPT-HaZmXBfzsIlYu17bklKe7aajqZmm5GUR6QfpwoU4nvpiTTn6_BeSNzb37uFKiMESGvqyrIxvQtOKiH6DYga3J1nxtdqNrj8mH6k1NT6l1LpQzh_fabdsVi6mcM88YgLAgCuo22DWt9r4361Rf6_AKezxS561De1EE/s720/10.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg_wQDhWKu_xHOUD4jVHj_RLhOPT-HaZmXBfzsIlYu17bklKe7aajqZmm5GUR6QfpwoU4nvpiTTn6_BeSNzb37uFKiMESGvqyrIxvQtOKiH6DYga3J1nxtdqNrj8mH6k1NT6l1LpQzh_fabdsVi6mcM88YgLAgCuo22DWt9r4361Rf6_AKezxS561De1EE/s16000/10.jpg" /></a></div> <br /><i>Immigrants and their supporters, organized by the Tucson immigrant rights coalition Derechos Humanos, call for a moratorium on deportations. That call was made by many organizations in the US when the number of deportations reached 400,000 per year. Photo taken in Tucson, Arizona, 2008. (Courtesy of David Bacon) </i><br /><br />That system, Hing says, must go. But the whole idea that the people arriving at the border must be met with deterrence and enforcement does more than justify the tortuous immigration court system and the detention centers.<br /><br />"The need to abolish ICE," an oft-repeated demand among immigrant rights activists, "is a no-brainer for me," Hing says. "In fact, I count myself among those who call for the abolition of the immigration system altogether. Migrants should have the right to free movement across borders and the right to live free of harassment over immigration status. Our system must be transformed into one that prioritizes our humanity first."<br /><br />To accomplish that, Hing advocates a set of tactics to make it hard for the system to function, including public oversight, marches like those that opposed the Sensenbrenner Bill in 2006, and antideportation campaigns like those of the Dreamers. He profiles as positive disrupters two lawyers: Jacqueline Brown, who fought the imprisonment of unaccompanied children, and Julie Su, who defended enslaved Thai garment workers in Los Angeles and is now the acting US secretary of labor. Until institutions like ICE and the detention centers are abolished, he says, "we should do everything we can to disrupt the system."<br /><br />To win an alternative to the present system, we have to uproot the causes of the displacement that makes migration involuntary, while recognizing the ongoing reality of migration and making it easy for people to come and to stay. No matter how many walls and migrant prisons the government builds, people will come anyway. But we can easily see the consequences of this system - one that first produces migration and then tries its best to bar migrants and send them away - in the death of Victerma de la Sancha Cerros and her two children in the cold water of the Rio Grande.<br /><p></p>davidbaconhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/08469116035735786689noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3459520319181539184.post-71635535683776990782024-02-01T21:07:00.000-08:002024-02-01T21:07:15.556-08:00A NEW LIFE FOR MEXICO'S OLDEST UNION<p>A NEW LIFE FOR MEXICO'S OLDEST UNION<br />Interview with Humberto Montes de Oca by David Bacon<br />NACLA, Center for Mexican Studies UCLA<br /><a href="https://nacla.org/new-life-mexico-oldest-union">https://nacla.org/new-life-mexico-oldest-union</a><br /><a href="https://irle.ucla.edu/2024/01/30/a-new-life-for-mexicos-oldest-union/">https://irle.ucla.edu/2024/01/30/a-new-life-for-mexicos-oldest-union/</a></p><p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhmD12fPP4rTVheuZYw3T0e39omHAxGXsKcLr9q0jBWlDZvUpaQop4V_IVDpj7tXD7cldF-zO3EPtZsey3cHxtBwvwbc-UVWqHRF2qaKGsop8XB_vxcMf2SKhaRnlLTvnpMUQjv-jRwV0-orUPOAochjsG-4Um4PfI5XmF1CXUHQ4FchQhzBQIYoKNowJM/s720/dnbsmeindignados29%20copy.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhmD12fPP4rTVheuZYw3T0e39omHAxGXsKcLr9q0jBWlDZvUpaQop4V_IVDpj7tXD7cldF-zO3EPtZsey3cHxtBwvwbc-UVWqHRF2qaKGsop8XB_vxcMf2SKhaRnlLTvnpMUQjv-jRwV0-orUPOAochjsG-4Um4PfI5XmF1CXUHQ4FchQhzBQIYoKNowJM/s16000/dnbsmeindignados29%20copy.jpg" /></a></div> <p></p><p><i>Mexico City, Mexico. September 1, 2011. Humberto Montes de Oca is interviewed in Mexico City's main square, the Zocalo, on the day Mexican President Felipe Calderon gave his annual speech about the state of the country. The protest, called the Day of the Indignant, was organized by unions including the Mexican Electrical Workers (SME) because the Mexican government fired 44,000 electrical workers and dissolved the state-owned company they worked for, in an effort to smash their union. Humberto Montes de Oca is the international secretary of the SME. Photo by: David Bacon</i></p><p><br /><i><br />Humberto Montes de Oca is the Secretary for Internal Relations of the Sindicato Mexicano de Electricistas (SME - the Mexican Union of Electrical Workers). He was originally a working-class art student who became active in the leftwing political movements of the period of Mexico's Dirty War (1970s to early 1980s). He joined the SME as a political act to become part of the country's radical working-class movement, and soon became one of its most important leaders.<br /><br />In 2009 the Mexican administration of Felipe Calderon dissolved the Power and Light Company of Central Mexico, one of the country's two national providers of electrical power. He then declared the union non-existent and terminated the jobs of its 44,000 members. While other administrations had regarded the SME, one of Mexico's oldest, and most democratic and radical unions, as a political opponent, no government before had taken such an extreme step.<br /><br />About half the union's members decided to resist the attack, and began an effort that continues today to recover their jobs and workplace rights, including the union contract. They kept the union's structure and headquarters intact, and then set up an allied workers' cooperative to generate work and help members survive. The other members took the government's severance package and gave up their union and job rights.<br /><br />In this interview with journalist David Bacon, Montes de Oca describes the current state of the union and its relationship with the progressive administration of President Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador. He talks about the way the union organizes and educates its members internally, and places the union in the current national and international context. The interview has been edited for clarity.</i><br /><br /><br />The Current State of Labor Reform<br /><br />Today we are in a situation created by the 2019 freedom of association reform. To some degree that reform was forced on the government by the pressure of unions in Canada and the United States, as part of the negotiation of the new free trade agreement T-MEC (Tratado - Mexico Estados Unidos Canada). Pressure was put on Mexico to make changes in union representation because charrismo and the employer protection contracts were used to cheapen the labor of Mexicans. Workers in Canada and the United States were at a disadvantage. Capital investment comes to Mexico because of these more favorable conditions. It is a form of social dumping. <br /><br />In Mexico, those unions argued, workers should have greater mobility, greater ability to defend their interests to increase their benefits and income. This reform was implemented using this logic. It requires all unions to show that they are legitimate representatives of workers, and to create legitimate collective labor contracts. These two elements are generating a new situation in our country. The corporate and employer protection unions opposed this reform because it goes against their interests. But they have also adjusted by inventing a strategy in which they go through the process, but everything actually remains the same. <br /><br />The charros can legitimize themselves because they have control of the workers. They themselves organize the process and can manipulate them. Workers do not have information, they do not have training, and they do not have the initiative. It is convenient for politicians also that things remain the same, since these charros can still produce votes.<br /><br />It is true that North American and Canadian unions sought to integrate the labor chapter of the T-MEC with the labor reforms in Mexican legislation. But it is also true that in Mexican unionism there is a tradition of democratic struggle. In the seventies, eighties and nineties tough battles were fought for union democracy in our country. Our very own survival as a union has been a fight for union democracy. Democratic unionism fought many battles for democratization, but it was not structured as a single force, that knocked on the door and said, "we want a reform." Democratic lawyers were among the most important promoters of the reform, because many of them participated in the democratizing movements..<br /><br />But the reform created bodies, like the Federal Labor Registration Center, which exercise very arbitrary power in a way that does not correspond to the spirit of the law. They tolerate noncompliance by some unions and demand the strict enforcement of procedures with others. Who decides? There is a danger that unions themselves will lose their autonomy and the labor movement its independence.<br /><br />Yet there are groups of workers who are taking advantage of the situation to free themselves from charro unions. The example of the independent union victory at the General Motors plant in Silao is the clearest. We can see that it is possible for workers, using this legitimation process, to displace charro unions and achieve authentic collective bargaining. <br /><br />So there are two kinds of outcomes. On the one hand a sham process allows charro unions and protection unions to become legitimate through a fraudulent procedure. On the other hand, an authentic process makes it possible to displace the charros and create a new democratic unions. This is happening in parallel. We celebrate the creation of the Casas Obreras [community centers that help workers organize] that provide information and raining, and which disseminate knowledge of the law that can be used to trigger the democratization of unions. We support this and we must work to help it succeed.<br /><br />Unfortunately, there is as yet no commitment to a widespread challenge by established independent unions to the old CTM structure [Confederacion de Trabajadores Mexicanos - the federation allied to Mexico's old ruling political party, the PRI]. Democratic unions are fragmented. They do not have, with the exception of the new Central Obrera, any intention of promoting a widespsread process of democratization. They exist in an enclosed world of their own, and have no plan to expand outside of it. This is a conservative policy - to conserve your resources within your own space, and not confront the charros. <br /><br />These unions only think about "my problems," "my demands", "my conflict", and don't get involved with anything else. In other words, they have no intention of generating a movement beyond what they conceive as their own space. At the same time, the left no longer talks about unions. It is losing its link with the workers it had in the past. That weakens the possibilities for democratic change. <br /><br />The new Central Obrera, however, does propose a national campaign for the democratization of unions. Conditions are good for this because many contracts were not legitimized, and disappeared. This creates a void, and we have to know how to fill it. For that we need a workers movement that thinks of itself as a class, beyond individual sectors or branches. The National Democratic Convention of Workers is based on that idea. <br /><br />We are not saying that everyone must simply join the new Central Obrera. We are saying the new Central, and organizations in other sectors who want a movement for union democratization in our country, should come together. We have common issues: freedom of association, union democracy, social security, pensions, retirements, salaries - the basis for generating a movement. In that movement there's room for many efforts, including the Casas Obreras, the new emerging unions and federations of unions, and the old pillars of democratic unionism such as the SME. Perhaps in the medium and long term there will be a regrouping. Even if some are not moving in that direction now, perhaps later they will be convinced that this is needed, and they can help to build that process.</p><p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgKL1-Vx3WOg2Wz7v1ifHTX9ghehZw6fSAnXDT-iYc6dfMFSW1FE2IWHzqKz_fecj0yEteC0ZjSTPSiTVp2FNTyrRG9zOExPf1Z2BmNp3JWmY9CIqpOUNgycbba01TeodEJW_6uta9wNXRlThl4XyIQA_vyIsCfjEShO-zJ1g_civXxuS_lq6uoL_uLfHU/s720/dnbsmecoop11%20copy.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgKL1-Vx3WOg2Wz7v1ifHTX9ghehZw6fSAnXDT-iYc6dfMFSW1FE2IWHzqKz_fecj0yEteC0ZjSTPSiTVp2FNTyrRG9zOExPf1Z2BmNp3JWmY9CIqpOUNgycbba01TeodEJW_6uta9wNXRlThl4XyIQA_vyIsCfjEShO-zJ1g_civXxuS_lq6uoL_uLfHU/s16000/dnbsmecoop11%20copy.jpg" /></a></div> <p></p><p><i>Mexico City, Mexico. November 9, 2018. The cooperative set up by the Mexican Electrical Workers Union (SME). Humberto Montes de Oca, secretary for exterior relations of the SME. Photo by: David Bacon</i><br /><br /><br />Nationalizing the Energy Industry<br /><br />We share with the government the idea of nationalizing the electrical industry. In the past, we defended the nationalized electricity industry, against the gradual privatization that took place in previous administrations. Once the law was changed to allow privatization by the oligarchy and transnational corporations, they imposed the law of the free market in the electricity sector.<br /><br />Today we call for reversing the structural privatization reform of Enrique Peña Nieto, imposed in 2013. But we want to add a social dimension, the recognition of the human right to energy as a constitutional right, and the social management of this strategic area, with broad participation of technicians, workers, and energy users. We need researchers who can manage this public company and not turn it into a political instrument of the state and the party in power. This is what we've frequently seen in our country, in the case of public companies.<br /><br />For us, it is not enough to nationalize or renationalize the energy industry. We need the social management of strategic industries for the common good, with the broad participation of society, of workers, of specialists, of the energy consumers themselves. The right to energy is an inalienable human right. The solution is not as simple as saying, "let it be made public and that's it." There must be social management with broad social participation. What we have now is the bureaucratization of the management - public officials who obey commercial logic rather than the general interest of society.<br /><br />State capitalism was very strong in Mexico in the sixties and seventies, which allowed development of the model that led to neoliberalism. Now we have a government that intends to regain the stewardship of the state in the economy. But that does not guarantee that it is dismantling the structural reforms neoliberal governments imposed on us over the last 30 years. It has left them intact. It is not reversing the dependence and subordination of our economy towards the north, towards the United States mainly. <br /><br />It is not reversing the forms of savage exploitation of capital either. In regulating outsourcing a small step forward was taken, but the exploitation continues to exist. For this to change, we need to do more than make companies public. The Federal Electricity Commission, the company that supplies electric energy, is a public company, but that does not mean that it has a social character. The company will still cut you off if you don't pay. It is selling a commodity. If you consume and don't pay for it, you're cut off, and your human right to energy is not recognized.<br /><br />Socialism means social management. It is a myth that by strengthening the state we are moving towards socialism. This is a country where capitalism is dominant and where the state facilitates the accumulation of capital. So strengthening the state will not take us to socialism. The state regulates the economic process to regulate capital, or to redistribute it. In contrast to savage capitalism, this state's goal is to make it a regulated, decent, humanitarian system, without ceasing to be capitalism. So this government wants to impose certain regulations on the market, on corporations, on free trade and so on. But it is still the same. Deep down there is the capital relationship. <br /><br /><br />Difficult Relations with the Lopez Obrador Administration<br /><br />AMLO [Mexican President Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador] was running for office in 2010,during the hunger strike in which our union fought the attack meant to destroy us. On one occasion he came to be with us. At that time he considered himself the legitimate president because of the fraudulent election. He gave us a letter in which he promised that when he became president in the next election, he would reintegrate us into the workforce. To date he has not fulfilled this commitment, and he has not given the union a hearing. <br /><br />Instead, AMLO has supported the former leaders of our union, who in 2009 called for the capitulation of the SME. They wanted to collect severance pay, so they resigned from the union and tried to dissolve it, liquidating its assets and distributing the money among the workers. We did not agree. We made a commitment to resist, not to liquidate ourselves, and to mobilize and fight against the extinction decree. They abandoned this fight and yet, after we fought for 14 years, they are the ones close to the President.<br /><br />Some officials, like presidential spokesperson Jesús Ramírez Cuevas and the director of the Federal Electricity Commission, Manuel Bartlett Díaz, are using these dissident groups to attack the union. They no longer belong to the SME, yet they threaten to take over our facilities by force and violence, and have mounted a media campaign of slander. At this end of the administration's six-year term unpredictable things can happen. We are prepared to face any aggression by those former workers.</p><p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiKmeIZYPU9KxF527EZhtpkDKppuWO1JfpZcVXzX1fmwiuD_9PWwrVwyIswt3WaMhev7DfIDkLCR3FeKAq4iHYzPMTNctzKqq4ftFMacW_78L7s2Q8kttTG9_vdwall5RnSgllO0xbYTL6vaxregzxA3leO1mv29JRMx55XwWMuNn-msd6R0xn20Wz5rv0/s720/humberto%20montes%20de%20oca%201%20copy.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiKmeIZYPU9KxF527EZhtpkDKppuWO1JfpZcVXzX1fmwiuD_9PWwrVwyIswt3WaMhev7DfIDkLCR3FeKAq4iHYzPMTNctzKqq4ftFMacW_78L7s2Q8kttTG9_vdwall5RnSgllO0xbYTL6vaxregzxA3leO1mv29JRMx55XwWMuNn-msd6R0xn20Wz5rv0/s16000/humberto%20montes%20de%20oca%201%20copy.jpg" /></a></div> <p></p><p><i>Mexico City, Mexico. November 29, 2018. Humberto Montes de Oca, the international secretary of the Mexican Electrical Workers (SME) at a meeting with U.S. union leaders to talk about the new government in Mexico after Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador took office as President. Photo by: David Bacon</i></p><p><br /><br />People in this government believe that the governing party should have unions that are useful, loyal and subordinate. To them, a corporatized SME would be useful. Since we have not expressed any subordination, and we safeguard our union autonomy, they don't like this. <br /><br />Our organization has always been critical. We recognize that the President is making an effort to recover the country's energy sovereignty, but we also have criticisms of its labor policy. There are many unresolved conflicts and strikes, like the 3-year strike in Sur Notimex and the miners strike in Cananea. There is no solution for our colleagues of the National Coordination of Education Workers. In short, the regime's labor policy is not what one might hope for from a democratic government.<br /><br />The current government has little dialogue with social movements, unlike the progressivism in South America, where presidents like Lula, Chavez and Evo Morales have had a lot of communication with them. Here many social movements that supported MORENA [the Movimiento para la Regeneracion Nacional - Mexico's current governing party] in 2018 feel disappointed because they have not seen their situation improve or attention to their demands. The government proposes a direct relationship with the population without intermediaries that demand solutions. In its view a union, a neighborhood organization, or an organization of academics or researchers is an intermediary, which it doesn't need or want. Instead, the government supports the people through its social policy and assistance programs. <br /><br />This is a clientelistic electoral policy, and the proof of its unpopularity is that here in Mexico City, MORENA lost the majority of the mayoralties in the last election. The city has been the cradle of the left-wing social movement in Mexico, but there is not a good relationship between the government and its social movements. That was reflected in the vote. It is a policy that Andrés Manuel has had throughout his career. He was never very close to independent unions, and now as President he has not generated dialogue or a close relationship.<br /><br /><br />The Status of the SME Today<br /><br />Currently we have a membership of approximately 15,000 active workers and 10,000 retirees, who come from the former company Luz y Fuerza del Centro. We have work in the generation plants recovered from that public company, and other economic ventures where we have collective contracts. We have a collective bargaining agreement with Generadora Fénix and a contract with the Portuguese company Mota-Engil, where we are part of the public limited liability company that generates electricity. We have the right to 50% of the company's profits. When the company was organized we established a co-participation agreement along with sharing the profits.<br /><br />The hydroelectric plants this company operates are generating around 100 megawatts per day. The profit is distributed among all members of the union, whether or not they work for the company. All members have the right to enjoy it. Year after year we calculate the amount, we go to our general meeting and the general meeting decides what to do with the it. We have at times made investments in other generation plants. In recent years with the Covid emergency and the needs of our colleagues, the assembly decided on a per capita distribution of all dividends. We also created a trust for our colleagues who die, to provide aid for their relatives.<br /><br />We have other collective contracts with other companies, smaller agreements, which enable us to keep the national industrial registry of our union. We also have people working in the cooperative, LF of the Center, which is now in a transition period. So the union is made up of workers who work under a collective labor contract, cooperative workers who work in the union's social and solidarity economy projects, and workers who do not have a job. <br /><br />We are incorporating the children of the workers in resistance as members, not only in terms of looking for a job, but also from the social perspective of creating spaces for our young people and children. We have groups for women and for pensioners and retirees. Under Mexican law we have a legal and legitimately constituted leadership, democratically elected by personal vote, free and direct. We want to provide spaces for participation. Our statutory mandate says we must ensure the well-being, recreation, dissemination, and political training of our members. Our goal is to strengthen internal unity in the face of a great challenge - government orchestration of a coup against the union.<br /><br />We have a strong presence in the central states of Mexico, with a union structure in Morelos, Michoacán, Hidalgo, the State of Mexico, and Mexico City. We maintain a strong strategic alliance with the users of electrical energy - the National Assembly of Electrical Energy - and we hold days of struggle on the 11th of each month. We go with them to demand a clean slate, a social tariff and the recognition of the human right to energy. We recently had our extraordinary general assembly, and took stock of the critical negotiation with a government that does not keep its word.. Our objective is labor reintegration in the nationalized electricity industry. For users, we want recognition of the human right to energy. Users need a clean slate so their debts are forgiven, and they can sign a new agreement with the company without being charged large amounts of money.<br /><br />We have very good relations with the unions in the United States and Canada. Trinational solidarity was very important in our case. We were able to present a complaint within the framework of the labor chapter of the old NAFTA because of help from the unions in both countries. That complaint helped us put pressure on the government of Enrique Peña Nieto to find a political solution to our conflict. We maintain those relationships, and there is a lot to share. <br /><br />This link between unions is necessary to defend the interests of the working class in our three countries. We have very different situations, different cultural and historical experience, and even the laws under which we function. We believe that in the law there is actually greater protection and more freedom for workers in Mexico than in the United States, where union freedom and labor rights are very restricted. Article 123 of our Constitution and the Federal Labor Law are the products of our social movements. Paradoxically, however, our income levels are much lower, and unions in our country also operate on behalf of employers' interests and not those of the majority of workers. And there is no authentic respect for the autonomy of the unions.<br /><br />We are part of the process of change in Latin America. We have scheduled several events bringing together international energy workers. We try to support the workers of France, who are defending their retirement system, and the Peruvian people who are being massacred. We have just signed a statement opposing the attacks on the indigenous, Zapatista communities by paramilitary groups linked to the political elite in the state of Chiapas. <br /><br /><br />Creating a Class-Conscious Membership<br /><br />Our vision is defending the interests of workers and a democratic union life. To accomplish this, our organization has always tried to train its members politically, and in terms of our union's history and traditions. Before the government's attempt to destroy the union in 2009, we had a school for union activists with a general orientation, organized and operated by retired colleagues with a political background. Some left-wing activists had joined the union to contribute to the political and ideological training of our social base - our members and close allies. All union representatives had to participate in this mandatory training school. We had an escalating series of general modules, from the history of the labor movement and of our union to the study of political economy, historical materialism and Marxism. <br /><br />When I held the position of departmental representative, I was a rank-and-file member in the underground cable department. I'm an underground distribution worker. As soon as I began to represent my colleagues, I immediately began to attend these classes in the history of the labor movement and our union.</p><p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjV3K5-L8btlYuSPg3oLb8ar8Y0xnoOOV07BRC6g1GVMlUUqdfS3rcZlV4i7QaajqLJCE-nKFI7rqEyHYjT6y3h9NjFtSfp8neE0PFyfDG6Prznwggm39iW1PaG21tE6EDx_4IkqYxqYRQeDsSjl4JG592wocU20zQNcilWjEtZPd4daXN_YD6HR3CsM8I/s720/dnbsmeindignados18%20copy.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjV3K5-L8btlYuSPg3oLb8ar8Y0xnoOOV07BRC6g1GVMlUUqdfS3rcZlV4i7QaajqLJCE-nKFI7rqEyHYjT6y3h9NjFtSfp8neE0PFyfDG6Prznwggm39iW1PaG21tE6EDx_4IkqYxqYRQeDsSjl4JG592wocU20zQNcilWjEtZPd4daXN_YD6HR3CsM8I/s16000/dnbsmeindignados18%20copy.jpg" /></a></div> <p></p><p><i>Mexico City, Mexico. September 1, 2011. Members and their families of the Mexican Electrical Workers (SME) protest in Mexico City's main square, the Zocalo, on the day Mexican President Felipe Calderon gave his annual speech about the state of the country. The protest, called the Day of the Indignant, was organized because the Mexican government fired 44,000 electrical workers and dissolved the state-owned company they worked for, in an effort to smash their union. Protestors also demanded jobs, labor rights and an end to the repression of political dissidents. SME members had been camped out in the square since May. Photo by: David Bacon</i><br /><br /><br />The classes were given in short cycles, some in a course of four or six weeks, with two classes a week. There were also other training activities, such as seminars and conferences, organized by the union. I had to go to several, but I remember one in particular about geopolitics that was very interesting. Trainers came from the national university and other higher education institutions, like Alejandro Álvarez and Andres Barrera. We had workshops on organizational subjects and many forums on the human right to energy, and energy transition.<br /><br />But it was often a very stuffy, dogmatic education. It was very rigid, in the sense that reality was interpreted with the eyes of the past. The aim was to frame reality in the perspective of yesterday. <br /><br />The proof of the dogmatism was that the teachers who taught those classes were among the first to give up when the government attacked us in 2009. They betrayed the organization because they did not understand that attack or how to resist. When the coup was carried out, the teachers at the cadre training school called for us to liquidate the union. I think they were really pseudo-Marxists - bureaucratic, dogmatic people who could not generate creative ideas and a movement for resistance. They were left behind and in the end they betrayed us.<br /><br />What had to be done was to create theory and practice based on new challenges and conditions - a new situation with new goals. The challenge is to understand the reality we are living in, and use Marxism as a methodological tool to interpret and change it. What happened 100 years ago can't just be duplicated now. There are many changes in the economy, in politics, in ideology, that need a contemporary analysis from a revolutionary perspective, trying to formulate an alternative. <br /><br />When real existing socialism fell, it created a crisis for everyone, and we still can't get out of it. How do we interpret that failed experience, that historical defeat? How can we develop a revolutionary practice in the situation we are now experiencing - a deep structural crisis in capitalism, environmental devastation, and the intensification of exploitation and the growing precarity of work?<br /><br />For some, Marxism remained stagnant in time, as if it stayed still in a photograph. But repeating the old phrases leads nowhere, repeating the old slogans leads nowhere. That's what I call dogmatism. We are capable of creating and recreating revolutionary ideas based on the needs of our time, the new conditions that place us in a situation different from that of years ago. There have been new developments in Marxism. For me Marxism is a guide. A Marxist has to interpret events from his or her understanding of the present, using this method. <br /><br />During the resistance to the 2009 attack the formal school of political education was interrupted. Our priority was responding to the extinction of our source of work. However, although the school stopped functioning, we still had workshops, forums, conferences, and seminars, but not the school's study program. Now we are resuming union political training again. I have many years of training and I want to share it with my colleagues. I'm giving workshop courses to form a new leadership in the union. <br /><br />We are going to reactivate the school for activists. I'm working with comrade Hugo Álvarez Piña, our secretary of education and propaganda, but we want to restructure it. We have to deal with the reality of generational change, and make sure our leaders have the tools and knowledge that will allow them to give the right direction to our union.<br /><br />We have scholarships for the children of workers who belong to the union. We call them the children of the resistance, the sons and daughters of the workers who resisted the extinction of our source of work and the forced dissolution of our union during the past fourteen years. We are incorporating them into our training program. They get an introduction about unions, and then an explanation of how our union was born and its history over 100 years. We talk about the most important moments of struggle, how we created a process of resistance to prevent its disappearance, and our perspective for the future. <br /><br /><br /></p>davidbaconhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/08469116035735786689noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3459520319181539184.post-44354869840683108512024-01-09T19:30:00.000-08:002024-01-09T19:30:19.299-08:00NO WHITEWASHING THE PAST: A BLACK FARMWORKER FAMILY IN SEGREGATED CALIFORNIA<p>NO WHITEWASHING THE PAST: A BLACK FARMWORKER FAMILY IN SEGREGATED CALIFORNIA<br />By David Bacon <br />New Labor Forum, January 9, 2024<br /><a href="https://newlaborforum.cuny.edu/2024/01/09/no-whitewashing-the-past-a-black-farmworker-family-in-segregated-california/">https://newlaborforum.cuny.edu/2024/01/09/no-whitewashing-the-past-a-black-farmworker-family-in-segregated-california/</a></p><p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhEaoN1xGxVs26OG8UKsop6Db79cd5HJGv5uRCfbULTE8sG3Z_ZKOuXhHNxk_03GrTlbNxxXdhU7y3e_8kqHCzRmQhbZ4ulIrHF3sojlTIoS5Di-d_XXlvdLKg_5d7q2Yw2qRw4Y2cnQKHsRmfE3qWCqr2fp1WRxbTPP9o-Bla1DUZkhKUwVzkO38FwDJE/s720/01.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhEaoN1xGxVs26OG8UKsop6Db79cd5HJGv5uRCfbULTE8sG3Z_ZKOuXhHNxk_03GrTlbNxxXdhU7y3e_8kqHCzRmQhbZ4ulIrHF3sojlTIoS5Di-d_XXlvdLKg_5d7q2Yw2qRw4Y2cnQKHsRmfE3qWCqr2fp1WRxbTPP9o-Bla1DUZkhKUwVzkO38FwDJE/s16000/01.jpg" /></a></div><p></p><p><i>Vance McKinney at Matheny Tract, in the San Joaquin Valley, California.<br /></i></p><p><i><br />This is the story of Vance McKinney, as told to the author. McKinney is a truck driver who hauls mostly agricultural produce in a farmworker community. His father was a farmworker. The following article is based on interviews with residents in the Matheny Tract, an unincorporated town in San Joaquin Valley.<br /><br />Vance McKinney's family left Arkansas after World War II, part of the great postwar migration of Black people out of the South. One stream of this vast migratory current arrived in northern industrial cities, but a lesser known migration ended in California's San Joaquin Valley. This was the experience of the McKinneys. Arkansas' last lynching was in 1936, only a handful of years before the family left. California's last lynching was just two years earlier, so one might ask, was this a journey to a freer land?<br /><br />McKinney's father, Osman, became an African-American farmworker in a Valley where racism and extreme economic exploitation were the norm. Vance says, "We were not slaves, but I felt we were still in bondage." In his account of his youth in Matheny Tract, he tells it like it was, describing this small community's struggle for freedom in California's segregated Central Valley.</i><br /><br /><br /><br />I came here when I was two years old. I was born in 1956, and my parents brought me here in 1958. I've lived here all my life. Everything I am came from the dirt in this hot place, where, by the grace of God, we were able to get some property.<br /><br />Osman McKinney, my father, was not an educated man, but he believed in taking care of his family. In Arkansas, there was no work and my dad had no money. Back then it was like slavery was still going on, in the South. He came from a family of fourteen and they had nothing. He had seven brothers and six sisters, and there was nothing for them there.<br /><br />My dad came out here with six or seven other men and found that there was work here. Here, there were grapes and potatoes, and there was cotton. Everybody worked in the fields. It was hard work, but it was work. In California, you had a little voice-not much, but it was a little better.<br /><br />So he went back to Arkansas and brought us out. My dad was a sharecropper, and cut pulp wood. It was hard to make a living with that. He probably owed money, so he came and got us at night. We didn't have much. We just came with our clothes. My mother brought us four out here with her, just me and my three older sisters.<br /><br />Most people didn't try to live in town when they came. My mom said the city [Tulare, a medium-sized city in the San Joaquin Valley] refused to allow them to have any kind of property. In the city, you couldn't buy, or even rent. The city was fighting them at every turn. You'd try to get a house, but you had to have XYZ, to prove you were an American citizen, where you were born, that it was legal for you to be here. It was just like today with the Hispanics. You had to show all these documents you didn't bring with you. When you left, you didn't know what was going to happen.</p><p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgSanyquqPfv45YCCuK1drLBsgwhxgdn2pqCyTQdoJB4XhvyljwrsBtOlGXu9oQbYJ9sakDUxCmo5vqzoMRsCL0NKiw9bCbG7KtGjT4Jwn0Lrmt66sRYPJkMUiSKTCgZuW7qbNF-uQnbRAaQAX1IYjlig2_K9RH7ua6Cd1VIqHh5C_73v1b0dgvzNL8iDI/s720/02.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgSanyquqPfv45YCCuK1drLBsgwhxgdn2pqCyTQdoJB4XhvyljwrsBtOlGXu9oQbYJ9sakDUxCmo5vqzoMRsCL0NKiw9bCbG7KtGjT4Jwn0Lrmt66sRYPJkMUiSKTCgZuW7qbNF-uQnbRAaQAX1IYjlig2_K9RH7ua6Cd1VIqHh5C_73v1b0dgvzNL8iDI/s16000/02.jpg" /></a></div><p></p><p><i>Vance McKinney at the corner of Beacon and Casa streets.</i><br /><br />At the beginning, we lived in a shack. My mother was a praying lady, and she trusted God. I used to hear her praying. "Lord, I just want to do better for my kids. I want to give my kids a better place." We were living in a place where you could come from the outside, go under the house, and come inside through the floor boards. That's how bad it was.<br /><br />She was a seamstress. I had seven sisters and she would buy material and make their dresses. After a few years, she got lucky and got a job as a housekeeper for Missus Serty, who owns the 99 Grocery up there on K Street. She talked with my mother about getting a house built. She helped my mom save money by keeping some of her money back. My dad's boss did the same thing. And they raised $800, and that's how much the property cost. <br /><br />And the change came through Mr. Matheny. At first, he was renting homes out here. There were about twenty houses here, and the people who lived in them were the people who worked here on the ranch. Mr. Matheny owned all this land, and when he started selling it in the early 1950s, the Blacks started buying little parcels. Mr. Matheny was getting older, and he saw a need, and that he couldn't just work with white people. He saw the writing on the wall, that things were about to change. He was going to die and then his kids would sell that land anyway. So why not enjoy some of the money when he had the chance?<br /><br />The city and county didn't want him to sell to us. I listened to my mother and the women talk about this. They'd say they wanted to buy land, because when you own something you have a say-so about it. But nobody would let them. Out here in Matheny Tract, a group of Black people could buy land and homes. Mr. Matheny opened that door. He could have said no, but he didn't. I think he was really trying to rub the city too. When they tried telling him what he had to do, he said, "This is mine."<br /><br />So, we saved money, and Mr. Matheny was willing to sell. And would let us get it very cheaply, at a price where you could afford it. After they got the house built, the women would go over to my mother's house and they'd cook. It was like a support group. My mother loved that. My dad knew all the men because they came up from Arkansas with him.<br /><br />For a white man Mr. Matheny saw Black people as people. He didn't look at us as "less than." That one man made a difference to every Black person who got to stay here. He didn't push us down. From my mother's point of view, he wasn't a savior or nothing, but he was a good man.<br /><br />But Mr. Matheny also segregated his land. Back in that time, it had to be segregated. You could like a Black person then, even give him a bowl of soup. But he couldn't be your friend, or you'd become an n-word-lover. He was a businessman, and he had to play that part.<br /><br />Matheny Tract was very segregated. We had two separate sides of the ditch, the white side and the Black side. (See photo on page tk.) There were a few Spanish over on the white side, but there were separate places where they had to live. And they couldn't have really nice stuff. On the white side of the ditch, you had to be sure that you were "less than." It was a hierarchy. There were some that had, and then there was us. We had nothing. The Spanish on that side, they had a little something. But they didn't have as much as the white people, who had all the nice stuff.</p><p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj0tQBtlD3mlaMLFyzEB8ilJFz5gGTql9Q1HDiJgQHUsK0eEEgfgHBcUp-vi1OdFKjCF_3iOzrlGIAFudxqcpszZDvMxZV5z30TCkHZGm5c7Dvp-OloFjD0nulUyS28njZKO3OeVmtUadUJujTAP2TZzGkAUWkLNXz7QqmayrkjapGoHyyXLWaGxTPlRRU/s720/03.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj0tQBtlD3mlaMLFyzEB8ilJFz5gGTql9Q1HDiJgQHUsK0eEEgfgHBcUp-vi1OdFKjCF_3iOzrlGIAFudxqcpszZDvMxZV5z30TCkHZGm5c7Dvp-OloFjD0nulUyS28njZKO3OeVmtUadUJujTAP2TZzGkAUWkLNXz7QqmayrkjapGoHyyXLWaGxTPlRRU/s16000/03.jpg" /></a></div><p></p><p><i>Javier Medina, a community leader, and the ditch that divided Black and white.</i><br /><br />We literally couldn't go on the white side of the ditch unless we were going to Sherman Strong's store. And you couldn't go straight across the ditch and down Beacon, because you might get beaten.<br /><br />White kids and the parents too would beat up Black kids. It wasn't just the kids. It was the parents. And the mothers were really the hardest. The men would kind of look at you and give you a snarl. But the women on that side of the ditch would call you nigger. "Little nigger, what you doing over here? What you doing over on this side. You know you not supposed to be here."<br /><br />Everyone here on this side of the ditch was African-American. We didn't talk with the white people here that much. This man, Mr. Boba, had been yelling, "Don't you come down my street!" I was about thirteen and a little cocky. I asked him, "Why do you call this your street? Did you buy this street?" And he turned a deep red. If he'd been closer to me, I think he would have killed me. I was just asking a question. I just couldn't understand, how was it his road?<br /><br />So I ran. My friends always told me, "When they turn real red, run!" We were taught to avoid them, white people. I'm a product of the 1950s. We were still being called "colored" or "boy." When my parents said, "Run," we ran. My father would always tell me, "Don't look at the white man in the eye. He'll beat you." That was bred into me as a child.<br /><br />But families would watch out for the kids. You might not see the parents, but they were watching. My parents always told us, if you go to the store be careful. We wanted to go to Sherman's store because the ice cream was colder, the candy was better. About ten of us would go. We didn't go wandering by ourselves. Because we didn't know what was going to happen. There had to be someone to run and tell.<br /><br />In the end nothing did happen, and I don't remember anyone attacking me. When I went to Palo Verde School, the white kids over there knew that I would fight. My dad wasn't someone you fooled around with. You had to be tough to endure the hardships they went through. He always told me, "If you get in a fight, you better not come home crying," because he knew that if I was a crybaby I'd be weaker. He'd say, "You've got your sisters to take care of." I'd say, "But they're older than me." My dad wanted me to be a man.<br /><br />People go where they feel safe, where there's enough of you. So there were a lot of Blacks out here. Sometimes white people would drive through here and taunt us. White people would call me nigger this and nigger that. I was only seven or eight years old. Our parents would tell us, "Be home before the sun goes down." People brought that feeling of danger up from Arkansas. That's one of the reasons why my dad got us out of Arkansas. He felt that his children might not live. In the 1950s and early 1960s, they were still lynching, still hanging people.<br /><br />The white people here came from the south too, and they were sharecroppers there also. When they got here, someone put a boundary where the ditch is. There were no rich people here. The whites worked for Mr. Matheny too but in a different area from where we were. They didn't have Blacks and whites working together. I don't think Mr. Matheny caused the segregation, but he did what he felt comfortable doing.<br /><br />Mr. Matheny used Blacks and whites for different things. Whites learned how to drive tractors first. They drove the one-row cotton pickers first. We were still picking cotton by hand. He had wagons that would go to them. We would have to drag our bags to the wagon.<br /><br />When my father started working for Mr. Matheny, he was making about 65¢ an hour. At the end, when he was working for Mr. Raleigh, he was making $3.65 an hour. But they all used him as an animal. As a child, we see our parents bringing us food and clothes, and we don't understand what they're going through. I'd hear my mother and dad talking, and they'd say, "Gene, we've got $30. That's all we've got for the month." My father would work all week and maybe make $100. They'd sit down and go through their budget, and what they'd have to buy, how to make that $30 stretch to the next payday.</p><p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiYGLqY-aIRJpzzS675JQyQn3EI7bUmVieLhD9eDJSP1dd-EnBvBITfKHFx4QlvBFW-PeiOtStHOR4CFYl91d9NkoB2pDl8KdKA7aXvb-ktYt7brSdNoMlvw8lXcVPq4acfSrwmiEDwblVLGT7wU4n4BCDmGvPaBvN0D5UiX0cIFvVeNx_My9vHXr3FKHE/s720/04.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="720" data-original-width="483" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiYGLqY-aIRJpzzS675JQyQn3EI7bUmVieLhD9eDJSP1dd-EnBvBITfKHFx4QlvBFW-PeiOtStHOR4CFYl91d9NkoB2pDl8KdKA7aXvb-ktYt7brSdNoMlvw8lXcVPq4acfSrwmiEDwblVLGT7wU4n4BCDmGvPaBvN0D5UiX0cIFvVeNx_My9vHXr3FKHE/s16000/04.jpg" /></a></div><p></p><p><i>McKinney shows the sewage bubbling up from the cesspool by his house.</i><br /><br />Discrimination was always in the forefront of my family and my life. When my father worked on one ranch, the kids of the people who owned the property would be calling him names. My dad had an old raggedy green truck and they would tease him. "You need to get you a new truck." They'd call my dad "boy." These were kids, calling my dad "boy." Calling him "nigger." Calling him "Black." Calling him "Sambo." These were kids, talking to my dad like this. And I'm saying, "I can't wait till I get bigger."<br /><br />Their parents would not respect my dad as a person. They wanted him to be like an animal. My dad would say, "I wish I could get something better." But he couldn't because he wasn't an educated man. He couldn't jump up and leave.<br /><br />He worked like that for eighteen years for one man, Carl Gaffney. And then he worked for Cecil Gibbs. Mr. Gibbs was a little bit better, and his kids didn't taunt my dad. But my dad was still not considered equal. He was considered property. Today, people talk about this, but I know what that feels like because I've seen it. Where you can't say what you feel.<br /><br />When I was a kid in the early sixties there were no streetlights here, so it was really dark out here at night. This street was where we played. We had a basketball court right there and played until it got dark. We played football before it got dark. We did everything before it got dark.<br /><br />This was our stadium-Beacon and Casa streets. (See photo on page tk.) We used to run our own Olympics. We didn't have a 440 track, so we'd start in my house over there, and we'd run all the way against other kids, about three boys running, and all the way around, back to my house. Then another set of kids would get up and run the same thing. It was the 440 relays. Jake Torrance made a triple jump pit and a pole vault pit.<br /><br />We were all about the same age. There were three sets of kids out here-the high schoolers, the grammar schoolers, and the preschoolers. It was a big family. That's what we did in the summer months. In the winter, we didn't do much.<br /><br />The streets weren't paved then. They were dirt streets. This part of Beacon was an obstacle course. Finally, in 1972, the county came out and paved it, but you can still see here the original asphalt. Over the years, they'd come out and put patches on the holes, but no new paving.<br /><br />The county wouldn't bring in sewer or water service. (See photo on page tk.) I really believe that the reason was because we were African-American. They were fighting against letting Blacks own property. They didn't want Black people living here, and they didn't want Black people living in the city. Where were we supposed to live? They didn't care.</p><p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEie9KcApPlwWSE9qC6myp8gokdwK4LWwHrxAcsZstuCUf0IQsDZin7ooqQgH4evz79ozijs5F7M8EYAMiN-2ccXRiRL2gNWXup-upDE7AkCOswh9ohom7Xb-toKhyjZUjHcRKx-umq_X2umIxMDpTazqDqvTR5iaIf91ssR4nVOVQF-It0miaTrgqyhIKM/s720/05.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEie9KcApPlwWSE9qC6myp8gokdwK4LWwHrxAcsZstuCUf0IQsDZin7ooqQgH4evz79ozijs5F7M8EYAMiN-2ccXRiRL2gNWXup-upDE7AkCOswh9ohom7Xb-toKhyjZUjHcRKx-umq_X2umIxMDpTazqDqvTR5iaIf91ssR4nVOVQF-It0miaTrgqyhIKM/s16000/05.jpg" /></a></div><p></p><p><i>Vance McKinney, in front of the church where the struggle over the water began.</i><br /><br />But the Black people out here were determined and didn't give up. People out here were determined to stay here, hoping and praying that something would change. So the Blacks, they met in this church here, which they made a meeting hall. (See photo on page tk.) Bennie Franks and Ben Loren and some of the more educated African-Americans got people together and started a committee. Mother Mary was an evangelist. That's how the Pratt Mutual Water Company came to be. African-Americans had a little property and had a little voice and now they could speak. Because you can't speak if you've got nothing. Now they could go to the city when our wells went bad because of the sewer plant.<br /><br />The city water treatment plant is right next door and they won't connect us to the city sewer system. When I was a kid, when it rained our cesspools would overflow. (See photo on page tk.) That still happens. We told them that their sewer plant is deeper than our water table. We were getting water from our wells contaminated by their sewer. They told us they would clean it up, but they don't care about the people out here. We only just got water service five years ago, and that was because we fought for it for ten years. And the reason we won is because they wanted to annex land near us for an industrial park.<br /><br />We fought for SB 200 up in the Legislature in 2019 [legislation that forces cities to provide services to unincorporated communities like Matheny Tract]. I went on those trips and I even talked with the Governor. But it took two years before they even sent someone from Sacramento to see what it's like here. Told us they'd put in more lighting, but we're still waiting for it. Now they're telling people they're going to put a sewer out here. But until people start pushing the city, they'll keep putting it off.<br /><br />People are still fighting that today. It hasn't changed. At the end of the year, the city and county go to Sacramento and get all this money to fix things out here, but it all goes uptown. Nothing comes for the people out here . . . no grocery stores . . . no gas stations. They use us for revenue, and they count us on the census, but we get nothing from that.<br /><br />In Sacramento I told Senator Monning [who fought for the Matheny Tract residents], "I speak because this is where I live, this is what I know. I love Matheny Tract. I want you to understand that we're not second-class people. We work hard, trying to do the best we can with the limited resources we have. Nobody out here is looking for a handout."<br /><br />Most people living in Matheny Tract now are Mexican, and they're inheriting the discrimination. It's like a flashback. I know how they go to work, work hard, come home, and can't get anything. The city and county won't help them. I want to reach out to them.<br /><br />For the Blacks here, after our parents died, most of the kids went on to do better things in their lives. This is what the Spanish are doing now. They're just trying to raise their families, give them opportunities to do something better. And the city makes them feel like they're nothing. It took us almost thirty years to get this one light here that we're standing under.<br /><br />I picked cotton myself, from the age of four. We'd go in the rows with my parents. We'd pick and make big piles, and they'd come behind with the bags and pick them up. And they're picking cotton too, as they're coming. If you were sick you stayed at home. If you weren't sick you worked. We couldn't afford childcare, so my mother would put on her apron and strap my baby sister in.</p><p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEimiq1s1Y5kBM-BG5kBMNGCGtRreXpCI38bQenJ1vReiy3mhSBf425o_6booo1J4Uaj636aY5XIDUT7U9mRei0QyLLb_oSOMlYLQvql-0yxJMHdiQpqVF7njXoLThkxeFX_0NW0mLCkcys9JJewmSIbz3YOexTt34vtj9TLC_fq5DdPPHrIxjmlFlp76Vo/s720/06.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEimiq1s1Y5kBM-BG5kBMNGCGtRreXpCI38bQenJ1vReiy3mhSBf425o_6booo1J4Uaj636aY5XIDUT7U9mRei0QyLLb_oSOMlYLQvql-0yxJMHdiQpqVF7njXoLThkxeFX_0NW0mLCkcys9JJewmSIbz3YOexTt34vtj9TLC_fq5DdPPHrIxjmlFlp76Vo/s16000/06.jpg" /></a></div><p></p><p><i>A Matheny Tract home at sunset, with tanks for water in front.</i><br /><br />I stopped doing field work in my sophomore year in high school. My parents would tell me as a young man, "I don't want you to work in the fields. I want you to get an education and have a better life." I heard that. I went to school. Graduated from Palo Verde. Did about a year of college. But college was not for me. So I got a job. My wife, when she was my girlfriend, she had a child. I was seventeen and she was fifteen. But it was always in the back of my mind what my parents said. I applied that, not with a great education, but with the things I learned over the years. Now I'm able to look back and say, I have what my parents wanted me to have. If they were alive today, they'd say, "Yes, you did hear us."<br /><br />I'm not the only one. We have teachers and principals and lawyers. Because the same thing I was hearing in my house every African-American parent was telling their child. Some took heed of it, and some didn't.<br /><br />I've found the only way to get rid of racism is by being honest. I'm not ashamed to talk about my life and what I did. People need to stop sugarcoating things so much. They say, "Oh, it wasn't that bad." Yes, it was that bad. Even African-Americans have forgotten the struggle and try to whitewash the past. But we can't live in the past. All we can do is move from then to now. I don't hold anything against the people who called my dad nigger when we were kids. That made me a better man.<br /><br />Matheny Tract is not just a place. Everything I am and everything I have become is because of what's here. Now all my kids are college graduates. My oldest daughter graduated from Tulare Union, and she lived out here. All my kids went to Palo Verde School, and when my son graduated with honors he got a letter from President Obama.<br /><br />You don't see Blacks out here that much anymore. There are some who just don't want to leave because this place is a part of them. I'm sixty-five years old and I can say, "I can buy property that my parents had to pray for." It took my parents ten years to save up the $800 for the down payment on their house. I make that in a week.<br /><br />So I honor their memory. I try to live up to their standards. My kids know who their grandparents were. I tell their stories. If you ask my daughters, they can tell you verbatim what I'm telling you, because I told them how it was. They can tell you everything about the Matheny Tract legacy because I taught it to them.<br /></p>davidbaconhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/08469116035735786689noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3459520319181539184.post-84616280121099479432023-12-21T07:27:00.000-08:002023-12-21T08:02:21.849-08:00BIDEN IS PAYING GROWERS TO REPLACE FARMWORKERS WITH BRACERO CONTRACT LABOR<p>BIDEN IS PAYING GROWERS TO REPLACE FARMWORKERS WITH BRACERO CONTRACT LABOR<br />By David Bacon<br />Truthout, 12/21/23<br /><a href="https://truthout.org/articles/biden-is-paying-growers-to-replace-farmworkers-with-bracero-contract-labor/">https://truthout.org/articles/biden-is-paying-growers-to-replace-farmworkers-with-bracero-contract-labor/</a></p><p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjCipJeZLME91YJHnovTok22Ra3OaTbRuOjKKjUVvucX338cw3PZBnRNpUXnwCwJwFY62Mvc8Gyos34QwgTGw1rwL6D01z8Nc3BDSp2tEB6rVtvTiXdJXx8s1O8zl2XgL3lhPxPAURVhos0yajamQRHbnU2mI2HqOWKesWmash34P1XgpMOlk6j7u_97Vs/s720/1x.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjCipJeZLME91YJHnovTok22Ra3OaTbRuOjKKjUVvucX338cw3PZBnRNpUXnwCwJwFY62Mvc8Gyos34QwgTGw1rwL6D01z8Nc3BDSp2tEB6rVtvTiXdJXx8s1O8zl2XgL3lhPxPAURVhos0yajamQRHbnU2mI2HqOWKesWmash34P1XgpMOlk6j7u_97Vs/s16000/1x.jpg" /></a></div> <p></p><p><i>Farmworkers brought to the U.S. in the H-2A visa program harvest melons early in the morning in a field near Firebaugh, in California's San Joaquin Valley. Photo: David Bacon </i><br /><br /><br />On September 22, 2023, the U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) announced it would begin paying growers to use the notorious H-2A contract foreign labor (or guestworker) program. Tapping into $65 million from the American Rescue Act, the USDA will pay between $25,000 and $2 million per application to defray the expenses of recruiting migrant workers from three Central American countries - Guatemala, Honduras and El Salvador - transporting them to the U.S., housing and feeding them while they're here, and even subsidizing part of their wages. Labor contractors, who compete with each other to sell migrant farm labor to growers at low wages, will be eligible as well as growers themselves.<br /><br />The H-2A program is the modern version of the old bracero scheme, under which growers brought Mexicans to work in U.S. fields from 1942 to 1964. Workers had to pay bribes to come, were kept separate from the local workforce, and deported if they protested or went on strike. Because of widespread abuse of the workers who came through the program, and growers' use of bracero labor to prevent farmworkers from organizing, the program was abolished - one of the main achievements of the Chicano civil rights movement. But even at its height, the U.S. government never actually paid growers to bring in workers. Now, the Biden administration is doing just that.<br /><br />The H-2A program allows growers to recruit workers, who today mostly come from Mexico. They can and do discriminate, hiring almost entirely young men and then pressuring them with production quotas to work as fast as possible. Workers have an H-2A visa, which allows them to stay only for the length of their contract - less than a year - and they cannot legally work for anyone other than the grower or labor contractor who recruits them. They can be fired for any reason, from protesting to working too slowly, and once they are terminated, they lose their visa and must leave the country. Recruiters maintain blacklists of workers fired for those reasons, and especially for striking and organizing, refusing to rehire them in future seasons.<br /><br />Although the bracero program had ended in 1965, the H-2A visa category reestablished a contract labor program, in the Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986. The program remained relatively small until it began to mushroom during the Bush and Obama administrations. The Biden administration is now expanding it even further by subsidizing growers who use it.<br /><br />The Biden administration's purpose for its subsidy program, called the Farm Labor Stabilization and Protection Pilot Program (FLSPPP), is political. In announcing it, the USDA lists three goals. The first, "addressing current labor shortages in agriculture," means not just giving growers a government-sponsored labor recruitment system, but even paying them to use it. While growers complain about labor shortages, unemployment in farmworker communities is higher than in urban areas. Agribusiness has been intent, however, on keeping wages extremely low. Many growers were Donald Trump supporters, and the rural areas of California and Washington State are still littered with old Trump signs from the 2020 campaign. But hope dies hard. The Biden campaign would welcome whatever support it can get from agribusiness in the tight 2024 election to come.<br /><br />Samantha Power, administrator of the U.S. Agency for International Development, held a meeting with growers at the USDA in September 2022. She thanked them for working with the administration on "a critical priority - expanding the pool of H-2A farmworkers from Central America, specifically from El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras." "We have got your back," she promised them. "We are committed to helping maintain a strong pipeline of experienced farmworkers to support you."<br /><br />The second stated goal of the pilot program is to "reduce irregular migration from Northern Central America through the expansion of regular pathways." As Republicans attack the president for being "soft" on immigration, the Biden administration hopes to forestall caravans arriving at the border by channeling thousands of potential migrants into work visa programs. The FLSPPP does nothing to change the conditions that produce migration, nor does it allow migrants to access the asylum system and become U.S. residents. In fact, it is no coincidence that a work visa program is being unveiled as Biden negotiates with Republicans over measures to make the asylum process basically unavailable to those same migrants fleeing poverty and repression.<br /><br />The third goal, "improving the working conditions for all farmworkers," is political theater. Applicants for subsidies under the pilot program are required to provide H-2A workers with living wages, overtime pay, workers' rights training, health and safety protections, and no retaliation if they try to organize a union. These protections and benefits - in many cases, simply the base legal requirement - don't even exist on paper for almost all farmworkers who are already living in the U.S. And because, according to the National Agricultural Workers Survey, about 44 percent of all farmworkers are undocumented, it's difficult for them to use what legal protections exist. However, instead of pushing for immigration reform that would provide them with legal status, the Biden administration is helping growers bring in H-2A workers to replace them.<br /><br />With weak enforcement on the ground, it's unlikely that H-2A workers would get these benefits either. Violations of the rights and minimum standards for both H-2A and resident farmworkers are endemic in U.S. agriculture. The program contains no funding for even a minimal increase in Department of Labor (DoL) investigations of existing violations, much less those to come.<br /><br />The proposal shocked many farmworker advocates and organizers. A number of them sent a letter of protest to the Biden administration, which I also signed as a fellow of the Oakland Institute. "As farmers, farmworkers, and their advocates, we are writing to express our indignation that USDA is committing $65 million of public money to pay farm employers, including Farm Labor Contractors, to raise wages, improve housing or other adjustments for H-2A workers before making any significant changes in the conditions of the millions of farmworkers already in this country," the letter read.<br /><br />Documentation of worker abuse in the H-2A program goes back decades, and many farmworker advocates and unions doubt it can be reformed. "Because of its record of abuse of both H-2A workers and local farmworkers," the protest letter stated, "we have called for the abolition of the H-2A program for many years." Sarait Martinez, director of the Binational Center for Oaxacan Indigenous Development, which organizes farmworkers against wage theft and other abuse, told Truthout, "This program pits resident farmworkers against contract workers recruited by growers, and makes it impossible to end the poverty in farmworker communities, treating it as normal and unalterable."<br /><br />At the same time that USDA is handing out subsidies, the enforcement system that should protect farmworkers from wage theft, illegal wages, and other violations of workplace standards and rights is in freefall. A 2023 study by the Economic Policy Institute found that investigations by the Department of Labor's Wage and Hour Division (WHD) have plummeted by over 60 percent - from a high of 2,431 in 2000 to only 879 in 2022. The department has only 810 investigators for the nation's 164.3 million workers, or one inspector per 202,824 workers. As a result, the DoL only investigates fewer than 1 out of every 100 agricultural employers each year, although, notes the study, "when WHD does investigate an agricultural employer, 70 percent of the time, WHD detects wage and hour violations."<br /><br />From 2000 to 2022, violations of the H-2A visa program accounted for roughly half of the few cases in which employers were forced to pay back wages and civil penalties, rising to nearly three-fourths during the Biden administration. Because enforcement is weak, cases of employers and labor contractors using H-2A workers to replace local workers, and cheating those H-2A workers, are multiplying. <br /><br />One example of cheating occurred with notorious labor violator Sierra del Tigre Farms in Santa Maria, California. In September 2023, more than 100 workers were terminated before their work contracts had ended and told to go back to Mexico. The company then refused to pay them the legally required wages they would have earned. Its alter ego, Savino Farms, had already been fined for the same violation four years earlier, an indication that the profits of labor violations outweigh the small penalties.<br /><br />One worker, Felipe Ramos, was owed more than $2,600. "It was very hard," he remembers. "I have a wife and baby girl, and they survive because I send money home every week. Everyone else was like that too. The company had problems finding buyers, and too many workers." In fall 2023, Rancho Nuevo Harvesting, Inc., another labor contractor, was forced by the Department of Labor to pay $1 million in penalties and back wages to workers it had cheated in a similar case. The frequency and seriousness of these cases in one relatively small valley alone indicate that the problems with the program are fundamental, structural and widespread.<br /><br />As the USDA "pilot" subsidy program is being rolled out, the U.S. Department of Labor has proposed a set of reforms it says may reduce the long-documented abuse of H-2A farmworkers. Yet even in the published text of the proposed reforms, the DoL staff who drafted it summarize the structural reasons that make the impact of reforms so doubtful:<br /><br />Over the past decade, use of the H-2A program has grown dramatically while overall agricultural employment in the United States has remained stable, meaning that fewer domestic workers are employed as farmworkers. ... Some of the characteristics of the H-2A program, including the temporary nature of the work, frequent geographic isolation of the workers, and dependency on a single employer, create a vulnerable population of workers for whom it is uniquely difficult to advocate or organize to seek better working conditions. ... This lack of sufficient protections adversely affects the ability of domestic workers to advocate for acceptable working conditions, leading to reduced worker bargaining power and, ultimately, deterioration of working conditions in agricultural employment.<br /><br />The existing local farmworker workforce suffers from the conditions the Department of Labor describes. In another wage theft claim in July 2023, a group of resident workers charged that high-end winery J. Lohr conspired with a group of labor contractors to pay less than the minimum wage, while hiding records of the violation. The Binational Center for Indigenous Community Development, which brought the suit, has fought five similar cases in the last year.<br /><br />Instead of spending its limited resources to protect and advance the wages and job rights of the farmworkers who live and work in the U.S. (68 percent of whom are immigrants themselves), the Biden administration is making it more attractive for growers to bring in guest workers to replace them. This gives growers a workforce that is easier to control, and who leave the country when the work is done. It continues a policy that extends back through the Trump, Obama, Bush and Clinton presidencies.<br /><br />About 2 million workers labor in U.S. fields. Last year, the Department of Labor gave growers permission to bring 371,619 H-2A workers - or about a sixth of the entire U.S. farm labor workforce - an increase from 98,813 in 2012. Employing such a large quantity of H-2A labor cannot be done, as the DoL admits, without displacing domestic workers, who continue to endure extensive wage theft and an average family income of $20,000 per year.<br /><br />Employers who hire local workers are ineligible for the pilot program subsidies unless they recruit H-2A workers - essentially bribing them to use H-2A workers to replace residents. There is no requirement from the USDA that employers of local workers implement any of the pilot program's conditions, and no additional resources are destined for defending the existing farmworker workforce. This will directly hit farmworker families and communities across the country.<br /><br />The Biden administration's political calculations could prove disastrous as well. By doubling down on the program, it is essentially telling farmworkers and their advocates, in an election year, that the administration is solely concerned with the welfare of growers. Yet almost all farmworker unions and communities campaigned heavily against Trump in 2020. They were often Biden's main support in rural areas where growers were solidly in the Republican camp.<br /><br />"By implementing this pilot program, the Department of Agriculture has failed miserably to engage with us or hear our arguments," the protest letter concluded. "We call upon USDA to cancel it and redirect the $65 million to a campaign to rebuild the domestic farm labor force."<br /></p>davidbaconhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/08469116035735786689noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3459520319181539184.post-12076182725256255862023-12-03T21:01:00.000-08:002023-12-03T21:01:16.090-08:00OAXACANS CELEBRATE 30 YEARS OF ORGANIZING<p>OAXACANS CELEBRATE 30 YEARS OF ORGANIZING<br />Photographs by David Bacon</p><p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi2K4i7_dXt0aXEkTfmsS0sNoky0avq-yfhyphenhyphen1LCITjeZOGzcxOQpMmA3m9J1-yvcoMB4IbSp9mtHtoNcbXHi5wZku7OHNitZJRgrz0pAi2qmtjLcnrpL5p9_dNKyK3yizrtT8yiMy_2pNJowmJtNHqitwv74dYJop2Vs4AAVJElk98Asb5rbo0g99gLKRA/s720/IMG_3114.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi2K4i7_dXt0aXEkTfmsS0sNoky0avq-yfhyphenhyphen1LCITjeZOGzcxOQpMmA3m9J1-yvcoMB4IbSp9mtHtoNcbXHi5wZku7OHNitZJRgrz0pAi2qmtjLcnrpL5p9_dNKyK3yizrtT8yiMy_2pNJowmJtNHqitwv74dYJop2Vs4AAVJElk98Asb5rbo0g99gLKRA/s16000/IMG_3114.jpg" /></a></div> <p></p><p> On December 1st the Centro Binacional de Desarrollo Indigena Oaxaqueña (the Binational Center for Oaxacan Indigenous Development) celebrated its 30th anniversary. Dancers, musicians, gigantes and diablos led several hundred indigenous Oaxacan families, together with a handful of community supporters, as their procession made its way out of the Hall of Industry, and then through the Fresno County Fairgrounds.<br /> The Centro is the sister organization of the Frente Indigena de Organzaciones Binacionales (Indigenous Front of Binational Organizations). Both were established in the early 1990s, and have chapters and offices throughout the communities in rural California where Oaxacan migrants have settled. <br /> Thirty years ago few could have predicted the growth in the political presence of California's Oaxacan community. Today dozens of people staff four CBDIO offices, speaking seven indigenous Mexican languages. Building that base through those years helped the community survive when the pandemic hit. CBDIO and FIOB activists distributed food to keep people eating, brought them to testing centers, and helped provide vaccines and knowledge of their rights as essential workers that saved lives.<br /> In these photographs Oaxacan community activists show their deep roots - the culture of small indigenous towns in Mexico has been reproduced and is celebrated in California, two thousand miles north. In the quotes below leaders of FIOB and CBDIO explain the context of this work and its origins. The late Rufino Dominguez Santos was a co-founder of both FIOB and CBDIO, together with Gaspar Rivera Salgado, director of the Center for Mexican Studies at UCLA. Oralia Maceda, who heads the CBDIO office in Fresno, has been an organizer with FIOB for many years.<br /> To see the full selection of photographs, click here: <a href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/56646659@N05/albums/72177720313126509">https://www.flickr.com/photos/56646659@N05/albums/72177720313126509</a></p><p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi3TKpYqgwIf65kie7JPB238kFb6mZ8KrNG0ziI0p0v77E6Smhcl3pOE6-qA_rYbEwg0PYruN76nHtIJd5e9TRDkqr2-h3tta5WNovavEShoIlXScMAdLewwgmccHOAoaj1Yi6YgmprqyTNt0xpqPupthzCXKgteFJzWmCIsLSW8TJEP0U7vi7Tgm_nevk/s720/IMG_3096.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="720" data-original-width="483" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi3TKpYqgwIf65kie7JPB238kFb6mZ8KrNG0ziI0p0v77E6Smhcl3pOE6-qA_rYbEwg0PYruN76nHtIJd5e9TRDkqr2-h3tta5WNovavEShoIlXScMAdLewwgmccHOAoaj1Yi6YgmprqyTNt0xpqPupthzCXKgteFJzWmCIsLSW8TJEP0U7vi7Tgm_nevk/s16000/IMG_3096.jpg" /></a></div><br /> <div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjeXtP5OMWBhw4ShfuiDU6OGA_LxIkxspTIdEz3sXH2_WQJphD_RKf9rcaOqA28jiHiaGHya4251Rjvv4QaQ3xJqR6-VjoiIEznf4IZPWwe9nDiQMWDJaOhySBz8eHu5wfQuO8vCy4Vd3OIk3irh2atc4vS9ge0K-EtYzdrvtZFi-1pKHXvVcjKn57JkGc/s720/IMG_3100.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjeXtP5OMWBhw4ShfuiDU6OGA_LxIkxspTIdEz3sXH2_WQJphD_RKf9rcaOqA28jiHiaGHya4251Rjvv4QaQ3xJqR6-VjoiIEznf4IZPWwe9nDiQMWDJaOhySBz8eHu5wfQuO8vCy4Vd3OIk3irh2atc4vS9ge0K-EtYzdrvtZFi-1pKHXvVcjKn57JkGc/s16000/IMG_3100.jpg" /></a></div> <p></p><p> Indigenous Oaxaqueños understand the need for community and organization. When people migrate from a community in Oaxaca, in the new places where they settle they form a committee comprised of people from their hometown. They are united and live near one another. This is a tradition they don't lose, wherever they go.<br /> Beyond organizing and teaching our rights, we try to save our language. Even though 500 years have passed since the Spanish conquest, we still speak it. We are preserving our way of dancing, and rescuing our lost beliefs -- that nature is something sacred for us, just as it was for our ancestors. <br /> - Rufino Dominguez Santos - Communities Without Borders (Cornell University/ILR Press, 2006)<br /><a href="https://www.cornellpress.cornell.edu/book/9780801473074/communities-without-borders/#bookTabs=1">https://www.cornellpress.cornell.edu/book/9780801473074/communities-without-borders/#bookTabs=1</a></p><p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgI0wxTnF31t7SCjPnRfgsJYUDugCRvFt6v9Dnxo4kPr7vRXu7rsq1Ce5fwE7DtIg9j3CnhxmAjhftL-5C9TPTVnUOsGKANxcN1B2MtOtWUWfVLo-IOmzCrhbZhoZtfL0y4n6wcj3QFXgkTp3lnL-Rarr5mdbbOB5LVhxOPX04SOgCScC0Cs_f1wYJ_H2I/s720/IMG_3098.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="720" data-original-width="483" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgI0wxTnF31t7SCjPnRfgsJYUDugCRvFt6v9Dnxo4kPr7vRXu7rsq1Ce5fwE7DtIg9j3CnhxmAjhftL-5C9TPTVnUOsGKANxcN1B2MtOtWUWfVLo-IOmzCrhbZhoZtfL0y4n6wcj3QFXgkTp3lnL-Rarr5mdbbOB5LVhxOPX04SOgCScC0Cs_f1wYJ_H2I/s16000/IMG_3098.jpg" /></a></div><br /> <div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgIfziu7vssfUBcKdyxGKmpQ9gIA0u6iuOQsiLrxGLLiJTgyPiVyPWAM4_oXM-hOFn3K7NhnpkuBui9Vi3-VFQV8gODNcj9QM_CBprJk-MMoS3y4tzhZ9mHbt9aIhb66NUkfziR2qWPqOrLyg_9-GzoYiyz6tfpInWx1AeNGye-u8dbh_M9iFxX9HTLXOM/s720/IMG_3106.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgIfziu7vssfUBcKdyxGKmpQ9gIA0u6iuOQsiLrxGLLiJTgyPiVyPWAM4_oXM-hOFn3K7NhnpkuBui9Vi3-VFQV8gODNcj9QM_CBprJk-MMoS3y4tzhZ9mHbt9aIhb66NUkfziR2qWPqOrLyg_9-GzoYiyz6tfpInWx1AeNGye-u8dbh_M9iFxX9HTLXOM/s16000/IMG_3106.jpg" /></a></div> <p></p><p> The labor of migrants in the U.S. has been used throughout its history. They tell us to come work, and then when there's an economic crisis, we're blamed for it. This policy of attacking migrants has never stopped in the United States. They accuse us of robbing other people's jobs, and our rights are not respected.<br /> But neither Republican nor Democratic administrations have acted to pass legislation to legalize migrants, and this is the solution to the problem. They've done nothing. Instead, we've seen a policy of deporting migrants, of imprisoning them unjustly. This doesn't accomplish anything. We feel like we're shouting at a wall because we can't change any of this. <br /> - Rufino Dominguez Santos - The Right to Stay Home: How US Policy Drives Mexican Migration (Beacon Press, 2013)<br /><a href="http://www.beacon.org/productdetails.cfm?PC=2328">http://www.beacon.org/productdetails.cfm?PC=2328</a></p><p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhIS6UuzmKw2GLBCnvXP3pvUV6K0-Npi8zumnzwX8VmVRhjKLTER7BVcBQIs1jZM7wcq0YqIgMo4kFd5-7Z4WikMj9gv8o5whDLnKjbqBhYlqv1r6Y_AhyphenhyphenTTTCQnbrsbsB3Io-Kr1ShrjDxspgqwT_Y1O-z2AfOlBUNTox0riTly5LdAKJSsMFPYs-u-r8/s720/IMG_3107.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhIS6UuzmKw2GLBCnvXP3pvUV6K0-Npi8zumnzwX8VmVRhjKLTER7BVcBQIs1jZM7wcq0YqIgMo4kFd5-7Z4WikMj9gv8o5whDLnKjbqBhYlqv1r6Y_AhyphenhyphenTTTCQnbrsbsB3Io-Kr1ShrjDxspgqwT_Y1O-z2AfOlBUNTox0riTly5LdAKJSsMFPYs-u-r8/s16000/IMG_3107.jpg" /></a></div><br /> <div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEglQxJNmEOHW3bLWmbLECf9Nwnf9V5FcoFf5qIJuE1P2LoGU93EelevrYZhfSmOm80-5iTSio-w5vUKBzVdhSmxek_wIwjgkwbPuDuhQjYx-oFqEHJvnXpMabC22DJtdefufGBNgRycSOwkh6hNCNDbzusqSfB_Qy4f4Mo2rFyhfhOeEWm5umb5yNJ0h6Y/s720/IMG_3113.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEglQxJNmEOHW3bLWmbLECf9Nwnf9V5FcoFf5qIJuE1P2LoGU93EelevrYZhfSmOm80-5iTSio-w5vUKBzVdhSmxek_wIwjgkwbPuDuhQjYx-oFqEHJvnXpMabC22DJtdefufGBNgRycSOwkh6hNCNDbzusqSfB_Qy4f4Mo2rFyhfhOeEWm5umb5yNJ0h6Y/s16000/IMG_3113.jpg" /></a></div> <p></p><p> At first there were no women involved in FIOB. Rufino asked me to share my experiences in Oaxaca, and we started going to different cities - Fresno, Selma, Santa Maria, and Santa Rosa. Once we had a women's conference, but there were more men than women. We encouraged them to bring their wives since it is important for all people to know their rights.<br /> Today, women sometimes participate more than men. The biggest obstacle for women is the lack of time. They have to work in the fields, and take care of their families. They don't have childcare. When they come to meetings they worry about their kids and get distracted. Transportation is much more difficult here. In Oaxaca I can take a bus anywhere. Here there is no transportation in rural areas.<br /> I believe men have to be more conscious of women's needs, so they can participate. But it is women's responsibility to find out how and get involved. I told my mom to not to ask me again to quit because it would be the same as if I asked her stop going to church. I told them, this is my life and I like it here. My family got the message.<br /> - Oralia Maceda - Communities Without Borders (Cornell University/ILR Press, 2006)<br /><a href="https://www.cornellpress.cornell.edu/book/9780801473074/communities-without-borders/#bookTabs=1">https://www.cornellpress.cornell.edu/book/9780801473074/communities-without-borders/#bookTabs=1</a></p><p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgLkjM2nuJtdbVVGNFYjIKAI0u5fb4NkUpy81p6ZEr4HHn85EEsEdKkW0YcAaersgPprPWv5FEZVrgEF-QG2Lk6D6DQ-MD_QXCTthIMfVFOP4VdG83d5wB1qoqAjqmAgemP1n47pnpIvxQpUx_YRahkjOnz70r1iFs6XAXkt_QjPuMQ5d-9UurKUy5CkSg/s720/IMG_3118.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgLkjM2nuJtdbVVGNFYjIKAI0u5fb4NkUpy81p6ZEr4HHn85EEsEdKkW0YcAaersgPprPWv5FEZVrgEF-QG2Lk6D6DQ-MD_QXCTthIMfVFOP4VdG83d5wB1qoqAjqmAgemP1n47pnpIvxQpUx_YRahkjOnz70r1iFs6XAXkt_QjPuMQ5d-9UurKUy5CkSg/s16000/IMG_3118.jpg" /></a></div><br /> <div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgJYw0-FfypYDWX2_plxAqP7gpAiXx-psUCAYyblrD-AJ8Z3B8qMH761cLYKx89D41pK2ZrWJ9E1CW9oAwCX9C-pRn7TyXQU3XPIb50jDyyQF38Lj1e7-bf6QP3AMMCX_t8xrk6qFbQ5boepncG7aXmavqzggMumFgr4Xk91gbm4wETmWGP3pqueOyd-Es/s720/IMG_3124.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgJYw0-FfypYDWX2_plxAqP7gpAiXx-psUCAYyblrD-AJ8Z3B8qMH761cLYKx89D41pK2ZrWJ9E1CW9oAwCX9C-pRn7TyXQU3XPIb50jDyyQF38Lj1e7-bf6QP3AMMCX_t8xrk6qFbQ5boepncG7aXmavqzggMumFgr4Xk91gbm4wETmWGP3pqueOyd-Es/s16000/IMG_3124.jpg" /></a></div> <p></p><p> The parallel process of long-term settlement and geographic concentration has led to the creation of a "critical mass" of indigenous Oaxacans, especially in California ... Their collective initiatives draw on ancestral cultural legacies to build new branches of their home communities. <br /> Their public expressions range from building civic-political organizations to the public celebration of religious holidays, basketball tournaments involving dozens of teams, the regular mass celebration of traditional Oaxacan music and dance festivals such as the Guelaguetza, and the formation of village-based bands, some of which return to play in their hometown fiestas.<br /> - Gaspar Rivera Salgado and Jonathan Fox - Indigenous Mexican Migrants in the United States (UCSD, 2004) <a href="https://www.academia.edu/812305/Indigenous_Mexican_MIgrants_in_the_United_States">https://www.academia.edu/812305/Indigenous_Mexican_MIgrants_in_the_United_States</a></p><p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhwTtiAIiWI9kb8EDqfinhAeu_J2_m2iWi51ynIpNGax_TMCGDb784QaISVtfbj3Qk1453ucLC-0UGhfzJ3GRAn-1fcGymwjmpawmeY2RKPv4VSgmGybDfZti9odxam9v5qAf_h5kazjjlqLyaTkWY_PimohCFZriMIlXy0qZqG8efbpg7ohcqAPxvhhNE/s720/IMG_3135.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhwTtiAIiWI9kb8EDqfinhAeu_J2_m2iWi51ynIpNGax_TMCGDb784QaISVtfbj3Qk1453ucLC-0UGhfzJ3GRAn-1fcGymwjmpawmeY2RKPv4VSgmGybDfZti9odxam9v5qAf_h5kazjjlqLyaTkWY_PimohCFZriMIlXy0qZqG8efbpg7ohcqAPxvhhNE/s16000/IMG_3135.jpg" /></a></div><br /> <div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgjzcjgmxG1YZLZky2kDnZmd5lRsUYULHt5HH77a38d2usKJ3gtSvMXb2ArB5gEpBt3APnHhg3DNXyv6vSmK_ZviVbizDEZUtA0vmkQU-BXg5sFFPEhqYXmF9tuUjYLD76UerHhJ5YG_he4b5cl2JfijpntaHDeK81sSNdHx_WYPaCYUesTHu65usQY7DM/s720/IMG_3145.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgjzcjgmxG1YZLZky2kDnZmd5lRsUYULHt5HH77a38d2usKJ3gtSvMXb2ArB5gEpBt3APnHhg3DNXyv6vSmK_ZviVbizDEZUtA0vmkQU-BXg5sFFPEhqYXmF9tuUjYLD76UerHhJ5YG_he4b5cl2JfijpntaHDeK81sSNdHx_WYPaCYUesTHu65usQY7DM/s16000/IMG_3145.jpg" /></a></div> <p></p><p> The implementation of the North American Free Trade Agreement devastated the local economies of Indigenous communities. Because they depended on the production of corn and other commodities, when the treaty allowed U.S. corporations to dump corn on the Mexican market it forced people in those communities to migrate. Once in the U.S., those uprooted from communities where they'd lived for generations faced exclusion economically, socially and politically, both as migrants and as Indigenous people.<br /> The multi-billion-dollar agriculture industry in California is based on cheap labor and the exploitation of farmworkers. Agricultural work is seasonal, and farmworkers employed on a seasonal basis earn an average annual income of $18,000, making it extremely hard for them to sustain their families. <br /> Yet despite the essential nature of their work, undocumented workers still have no social net programs helping them survive during the offseason period, and were excluded from the Federal pandemic assistance bills. Because of their undocumented status, they can't apply to unemployment or other supplemental income, causing a long-term effect impact on their children and families. <br /> Farmworkers need a path to citizenship as their lack of immigration status makes them vulnerable in the workplace and the community. The global COVID-19 pandemic exacerbated that inequality. Farmworkers were called essential, but that didn't translate into benefits. Instead, the COVID-19 Farmworker Study found they were systematically excluded.<br /> The Central Valley has a long history of farmworker resistance. Although farmworkers have the right to organize, there is still a huge power imbalance between workers and their employers. As they struggle to live, big companies now seek to increase their exploitation by expanding the H-2A temporary worker program. Farmworkers will survive and thrive despite this and other barriers, but the government has a responsibility to respond to their needs and humanity, not just grower complaints of a labor shortage. <br /> As we struggle to heal from the pandemic and its impacts, we need to honor indigenous farmworkers with policies that will make their lives better.<br /> - Sarait Martinez, director of the Centro Binacional de Desarrollo Indigena Oaxaqueña, Article for Arte Americas accompanying the exhibit, "Boom Oaxaca" - <a href="https://boomoaxaca.com/">https://boomoaxaca.com/</a></p><p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhFTKkCz6oUYUwZBqfkI1n81TbyK0CthTqdlXI2LQdbRWduJKhW3CDz-GyGJBLtTNpnSZQtAKWluDMjSpzCVLAkyEC3r6r-4_8YtebCi2fFLNA1b0U4x0BbLeSGz7N5iPqkH_lM7EQFx6gUW9Yqme6KhPrhafaG1M-2VO-Vt1Fpbx6qruSQctkYUrKFgTk/s720/IMG_3159.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhFTKkCz6oUYUwZBqfkI1n81TbyK0CthTqdlXI2LQdbRWduJKhW3CDz-GyGJBLtTNpnSZQtAKWluDMjSpzCVLAkyEC3r6r-4_8YtebCi2fFLNA1b0U4x0BbLeSGz7N5iPqkH_lM7EQFx6gUW9Yqme6KhPrhafaG1M-2VO-Vt1Fpbx6qruSQctkYUrKFgTk/s16000/IMG_3159.jpg" /></a></div><br /> <div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhJ6jAQ2Eia4mu8nJ45q6fQ6HQaTJe8wRmt41Aqc_rj0QEVuRwbSB9rJbRz2olYTND_terOmZxFpbm5lOklHyM0uKazDAidsiQDLhOSJDIB1L74-1t35ROG6_6MhiEqb9ZDVdHfh7xhJvZet6o8rJPQe_9AChdLtNw9b_rC8PdmGuvJtAuWDua6-WCsN18/s720/IMG_3162.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhJ6jAQ2Eia4mu8nJ45q6fQ6HQaTJe8wRmt41Aqc_rj0QEVuRwbSB9rJbRz2olYTND_terOmZxFpbm5lOklHyM0uKazDAidsiQDLhOSJDIB1L74-1t35ROG6_6MhiEqb9ZDVdHfh7xhJvZet6o8rJPQe_9AChdLtNw9b_rC8PdmGuvJtAuWDua6-WCsN18/s16000/IMG_3162.jpg" /></a></div><br /><p></p><p> </p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgr7i_FuR9CVKZYgQ4RUwim121tn1aQaZjWuLHMwwNAiLuJYttRW7_9ujVikUMtgmNUSx4Rz97Yk_Ttwj5FVAyPHwaVLVLJxnUDNHxZdhRgpugSWi2cIz0FkoSzYy8H6i0UCSSEs0o6xzQv9W-BgT8I79OwVhxb-nsP8FqiLaHqeLgYaY67V9yhlzcoqIQ/s720/IMG_3165.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgr7i_FuR9CVKZYgQ4RUwim121tn1aQaZjWuLHMwwNAiLuJYttRW7_9ujVikUMtgmNUSx4Rz97Yk_Ttwj5FVAyPHwaVLVLJxnUDNHxZdhRgpugSWi2cIz0FkoSzYy8H6i0UCSSEs0o6xzQv9W-BgT8I79OwVhxb-nsP8FqiLaHqeLgYaY67V9yhlzcoqIQ/s16000/IMG_3165.jpg" /></a></div><br /><p></p><p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgm4u_evs6tJ5wzgRuI-U0a26eGFEdAVQRvXwiKbmYkhkoKjJ_MKfemIWmqJaBsOK8KtCTuA5NXMy_tcxpQ6_EtLMicE9iZ6n03Ny11wKvce7gusWyZ2bEyZ-qYwGwKsv1HCqNWZh-mayKPPGGOLokLSaHqFCK42kZ_q7kjVw4wbl04rm0Tq4U0_TqyIIo/s720/IMG_3166.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgm4u_evs6tJ5wzgRuI-U0a26eGFEdAVQRvXwiKbmYkhkoKjJ_MKfemIWmqJaBsOK8KtCTuA5NXMy_tcxpQ6_EtLMicE9iZ6n03Ny11wKvce7gusWyZ2bEyZ-qYwGwKsv1HCqNWZh-mayKPPGGOLokLSaHqFCK42kZ_q7kjVw4wbl04rm0Tq4U0_TqyIIo/s16000/IMG_3166.jpg" /></a></div><br /> <p></p><p> <br /><br /></p>davidbaconhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/08469116035735786689noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3459520319181539184.post-5426648462622251052023-11-25T16:24:00.000-08:002023-11-25T17:10:38.723-08:00RIDING SPANISH SUBWAYS<p>RIDING SPANISH SUBWAYS</p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Photographs by David Bacon</p>
<p class="MsoNormal"> </p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Descending the long escalator into Madrid's Sol metro
station, I try to imagine what it was like during the Civil War.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Even this far undergroound, the boom of
howitzers, the howling sirens and the earth shaking under the bombs had to have
been terrifying.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"> </p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Like so many European metro stations, this one holds
memories of war.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Moscow and London both
endured the rain of exploding terror from the Nazi Luftwaffe, while below
people slept on station platforms to escape it.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>But before they struck those two cities, from 1936 to 1939, Nazi planes
made Madrid the target for the world's first bombing of a civilian
population.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"> </p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Madrileños held off the onslaught of Franco's fascist armies
for three years.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They found shelter from
the bombs in the 32 stations already built on the metro's three lines by the
time the war started.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Hundreds of those
who perished under the fascist assault were taken in subway cars to graveyards
outside of the city in trains nicknamed the "metro of the dead."<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"> </p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Barcelona's metro started operation just five years after
Madrid's, in 1924.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Its metro stations
provided the shelter from March 16-18, when Mussolini personally ordered
Italian bombers to flatten the city.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In
twelve raids over those three days 979 people died.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Over 200 raids followed and three times as
many lost their lives. </p>
<p class="MsoNormal"> </p>
<p class="MsoNormal">I didn't expect Barcelona's metro stations to be halls of
memory, but you can take the subway to the Barceloneta station.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>There, in the city museum along the
waterfront a few blocks away, the Civil War is not forgotten. Old photographs honor
the Catalan independence leaders executed by Franco after the Republic
fell.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"> </p>
<p class="MsoNormal">You might think that after Franco finally died, and fascists
no longer controlled Spain, the cities might have painted murals in the metro
stations.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>There they might provide a new
generation a vision of their own heroic, bitter history.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>There are none, however - a strange and
disturbing absence.</p>
<p class="MsoNormal"> </p>
<p class="MsoNormal">You may not see much of the past in the metro stations, but you
do see the people of these cities as they are now.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The metro is full of working people and
students.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It's not a system for the
rich, who have redesigned cities for the convenience of cars and individual
means of transport.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Subways are
collective, and they are cheap.</p>
<p class="MsoNormal"> </p>
<p class="MsoNormal">The Madrid and Barcelona metros go everywhere.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Their many lines are the cities' veins and
arteries and people their bloodstream. Madrid has 13 with 276 stations, and
Barcelona's 8 lines stop at 165.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"> </p>
<p class="MsoNormal">If, like me, you look a little lost at first trying to
figure out the ticket machine, a metro worker will usually appear at your
shoulder, explaining the cheapest way to buy your fares.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They'll also warn you about the regulations. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It's warm in the stations and on the trains,
so young people often show some skin, but I still wonder what inspired one
prohibition. "Travelling without footwear or without covering the torso or
lower part of the body" is a serious violation,</p>
<p class="MsoNormal"> </p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Today metro systems have spread across the world.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Some 195 cities in 62 countries have
one.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>China has some of the biggest, and
the most recent, with 278 lines in 45 cities.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>The Shanghai metro alone, which opened in 1993, has 499 miles of track
and provides 2.8 billion trips a year.</p>
<p class="MsoNormal"> </p>
<p class="MsoNormal">The Spanish trains look new as well, and the stations are
clean and modern.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>These photographs of
the riders of today are a window into the present, showing the Spaniards as
they pass under the ground to their work, recreating their cities every
day.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Photographs taken today can't present
the reality of what the metro endured, and how it must have appeared over 80
years ago.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But they do provide this
vision of place and the people who inhabit it.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>With imagination, the open a path into their history.</p>
<p class="MsoNormal"> </p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjQdfaU4PYHGJe00RZ4tokYObjobxSy-BnmYfsL3jufZLAudA4LVMZsQB8-hI2OSi33nNUCpnvVYNgTDw3fpr-js1iFST14chNJzBGV5Ny5gbeKDyuRYyTF8OTXzjChWAiMQgDKif_0HrPX5nsGgkCFsWws5hbmm096mlZTmA9kz8OxIRJyFEdT_85uAXA/s720/dnb2023spainmetro02%20copy.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjQdfaU4PYHGJe00RZ4tokYObjobxSy-BnmYfsL3jufZLAudA4LVMZsQB8-hI2OSi33nNUCpnvVYNgTDw3fpr-js1iFST14chNJzBGV5Ny5gbeKDyuRYyTF8OTXzjChWAiMQgDKif_0HrPX5nsGgkCFsWws5hbmm096mlZTmA9kz8OxIRJyFEdT_85uAXA/s16000/dnb2023spainmetro02%20copy.jpg" /></a></div><br /><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh0WBidml9AgMqGLRz_NpgFcaoq8-9_eeR4qb-Yz6EGmkzRkOQXIQwzkIPACT2EvWvMKRoW34sPziHaLdsK8zth7yuATHOdxlNVYm7REtp86TM_aRa-X3brDRekoCx0RCaNRKhxV4CkvV4k1QyeoEB7-CB67EnCjf4WvZfFiDKXcGZkjgvbS2nUPpfSxKM/s720/dnb2023spainmetro03%20copy.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; 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{page:WordSection1;}</style></p>davidbaconhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/08469116035735786689noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3459520319181539184.post-13555903438570044532023-10-29T23:00:00.003-07:002023-10-29T23:00:43.736-07:00CAN PRESIDENT BIDEN'S EXECUTIVE ORDER DELIVER FOR CARE WORKERS?<p>CAN PRESIDENT BIDEN'S EXECUTIVE ORDER DELIVER FOR CARE WORKERS?<br />By David Bacon <br />Equal Times, 27 October 2023 <br />https://www.equaltimes.org/in-a-sector-built-on-historic?var_mode=calcul</p><p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjnR33yoU1yXhMr07ZoANwPHAqk3c9v4KsD_fbRwZZCsW028q6nlEeL-z905PVePiRg9_iz66sfrsZojUeNX0uqsgqCW15-a0amawfabo2StmQ_Q0Nphtl0xJlS3-OOrxwIiAyLBqQLaA2-45fOLKcjE7X5HmJBbrYlodfT1nxkivCQpTtCYHnHhJav0BQ/s720/dnbhcaregiver01x.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjnR33yoU1yXhMr07ZoANwPHAqk3c9v4KsD_fbRwZZCsW028q6nlEeL-z905PVePiRg9_iz66sfrsZojUeNX0uqsgqCW15-a0amawfabo2StmQ_Q0Nphtl0xJlS3-OOrxwIiAyLBqQLaA2-45fOLKcjE7X5HmJBbrYlodfT1nxkivCQpTtCYHnHhJav0BQ/s16000/dnbhcaregiver01x.jpg" /></a></div> <p></p><p><i>Honorata Nono (left) is a Filipina immigrant domestic worker and organiser. She takes care of Michiko Uchida in her home in San Francisco, California. (Photo (c) David Bacon)</i></p><p><br /><br />As the age of the US population continues to rise - and millions of people with disabilities, additional needs and children need care - so too does the country's insatiable demand for home healthcare and domestic workers. But years of underinvestment in the sector, and the chronic undervaluing of the important work carried out disproportionately by women of color (particularly those with an immigrant background) has left the sector in a perilous state.<br /><br />It is a situation that has a deep and shameful history, rooted in the fact that enslaved African-American women were forced to provide unpaid household care for white families during the period of human chattel slavery that operated in the United States from its founding in 1776 until 1865. Following the abolition of slavery, the low wages and poor conditions of domestic work was sustained by a series of violent, racist laws known as 'Jim Crow'.<br /><br />Against this backdrop, when it passed the US Congress in 1935, the National Labor Relations Act recognised the collective bargaining rights of US private sector workers and established a process to require employers to bargain with their unions. The law carried a political price, however. Racist senators and congressional representatives in the Democratic Party (known as Dixiecrats because they were all from the US South, or from 'Dixie') demanded exclusions. Domestic workers, who were still largely African-American women, would not be covered. Neither would farm workers, mostly Mexican and Filipino immigrants in that era.<br /><br />The Fair Labor Standards Act, passed three years later, gave private sector workers the right to overtime pay and minimum wages. Again, domestic workers and farm workers were left out, at the insistence of Dixiecrats. It is no accident, therefore, that the labor rights and wages of both groups were held far below those of other workers in the decades that followed. Yet despite the exclusion, farm workers continued to organise. And in the last few decades, domestic workers have sought to end their exclusion as well.<br /><br />Organising locally, nationally and globally<br /><br />In California and other states, rising activism accompanied the increase of immigrant workers in the domestic worker labor force. According to labor historian Jennifer Guglielmo: "In the 1970s and 1980s, the domestic workforce began to change dramatically. African-American women moved out of domestic labor in large numbers and into clerical, sales, public sector, and professional jobs. Mexican-American women in the south-west also left domestic work for these jobs [...]. This shift led employers to hire more immigrant women from Latin America, the Caribbean, and Asia in much larger numbers." This wave of migration was in part the product of the displacement of families and communities in countries forced to adopt neoliberal structural adjustment policies and free trade agreements.<br /><br />One of them, Cristina "Ate Bingbing" recalls, "My life started as a domestic worker when I decided to work abroad because my life was so difficult in the Philippines." She recounts having to work despite the risk of COVID during the pandemic. "I am being forced to choose between two very important things: your livelihood or your health. I am a single mom, and I support my daughter, who I haven't seen in years ever since I decided to leave the Philippines to look for work abroad. If something happens to me here, I have no idea what will happen to my family or when I will see my child again."<br /><br />In the 1990s, immigrant domestic workers in urban centres began to organise community-based workers' centres. San Francisco's Mujeres Unidas y Activas started as a project of the Northern California Coalition for Immigrant Rights, for example, while the Colectiva de Mujeres was originally a women's centre within the city-sponsored Day Labor Program. In the early 2000s they joined, first with Bay Area organisations like Filipinos for Affirmative Action, and then with Southern California organisations like the Coalition for Human Rights in Los Angeles and the Filipino Workers Center, to form a statewide network. This process paralleled others in New York and other states. In 2007, five California organisations joined six from New York and one from Maryland to form the National Domestic Workers Coalition. <br /><br />Just a few years later it played a key role in the adoption of a landmark international labor standard for domestic workers in 2011, International Labor Organization Convention 189 on Decent Work for Domestic Workers, which recognised for the first time the right to minimum working standards for domestic workers. Following a campaign by an alliance of trade unions and domestic worker organisations, C189 has since been ratified by 36 countries. The United States, however, isn't among them.<br /><br />When the California Domestic Worker Coalition put a Domestic Workers Bill of Rights on the state legislature's agenda in 2012, then-AFL-CIO president Richard Trumka recognised the historic justice of their demands. "It's not right that domestic workers should be excluded from overtime pay laws," he told a crowd in Washington DC. "It's time for that to end. It's not right that domestic workers are excluded from collective bargaining laws. It's time for that to end. Domestic workers' rights are civil rights. Domestic workers' rights are human rights."<br /><br />Trumka responded to the stories he was hearing from workers who'd come to push for the bill's promise of racial and labor equity. Teresita Gao-Ay, a domestic worker from San Diego, told him she'd been a caregiver since 1986, working from 7am to 9pm. "I had to do everything from cooking, cleaning the whole house, laundry that had to be pressed and folded, including sheets, gardening and caring for the dog. And I had to do this for the whole family, not just for the client I was taking care of. But how can you say no? I was living in their house. Plus, they said they'd call the police if I didn't do as they asked. Then, when I was injured on the job, no one paid me for the days I had to take off to recover."<br /><br />"Care workers deserve to make a decent living"<br /><br />The Covid-19 pandemic brought the plight of care providers into sharp focus everywhere, but in the US, where resources in the care sector were already stretched thin, the situation has worsened as a result of thousands of experienced care workers either leaving the sector or losing their lives after contracting Covid. According to the AFL-CIO: "Care prices have also skyrocketed, straining working families and forcing them to spend a significant portion of their income on services."<br /><br />When President Joe Biden issued an executive order in April this year, seeking to use the administrative power of the federal government to raise domestic, home care and child care worker wages and make the care they provide to working families more affordable, he implicitly recognised the historic injustice. "Care workers deserve to make a decent living, and that's a fight I'm willing to have," he declared. "No one should have to choose between caring for the parents who raised them, the children who depend on them, or the paycheque they rely on to take care of both."<br /><br />The executive order contains a number of directives to different parts of the federal government, covering the programs they administer. The Department of Health and Human Services, for instance, was told to consider actions to reduce or eliminate families' co-payments for childcare. Other agencies were directed to identify which of their grant programs can support childcare and long-term care for individuals working on federal projects. The order calls for increasing the pay of Head Start teachers and childcare providers. Head Start is the main Federally and state funded program for early childhood education, for pre-school age children.<br /><br />The order seeks to ensure there are enough home care workers to provide care to seniors and people with disabilities enrolled in Medicaid, which provides free or low-cost health coverage to low-income families and individuals. It proposes to set minimum staffing standards for nursing homes, as well as conditioning a portion of Medicare payments on how well a nursing home retains workers. "This will be the first time that we'll have a care standard," explains Mia Dell, deputy director for advocacy at the AFL-CIO.<br /><br />This development also aligns with demands from the international labor movement for greater investment in care to ensure equitable access to quality public care and health services. "It advances the social equity goal of the executive order, because the nursing homes with the worst history are those serving low-income communities of color." Better staffing standards and pay would also benefit the workers of color and women making up most of that workforce, another equity component of the order, Dell says.<br /><br />The President's statement announcing the executive order highlighted the budget proposals intended to advance these goals. The American Rescue Plan, which provided funding to overcome the impact of the pandemic, contained over US$60 billion for care issues. The administration statement credited that funding with saving the country's system of private childcare providers. The Biden Budget, if adopted, would include US$150 billion over ten years to expand Medicaid home services, and proposes US$600 billion over ten years for expanded childcare and preschool programs. However, it faces extreme Republican opposition in Congress.<br /><br />Historic exclusion<br /><br />Today, the consequences of the historic exclusion of domestic workers run deep. In 2022 the Economic Policy Institute (EPI) issued a report, the Domestic Workers Chartbook, that outlines the basic living and working conditions for the 2.2 million domestic workers in the United States. That number is expected to grow rapidly - more than three times as fast as employment in other occupations - because the ageing of the US population and workforce is expanding the number of people needing care.<br /><br />The real size of the workforce is likely larger, the EPI says, because many domestic workers are paid informally, making them less likely to report employment and earnings. In addition, over a third of domestic workers are immigrants, many of whom lack legal immigration status, and many fear the consequences of contact with the authorities, including participation in national surveys.<br /><br />The lower pay level for domestic work reflects the racist and sexist structure of the US workforce, where people of color, immigrants and women are paid less than average. A majority of domestic workers are Black, Hispanic, or Asian-American and Pacific Islander women. Over 40 per cent are older than 50. According to the EPI: "The typical domestic worker is paid US$13.79 per hour, including overtime, tips, and commissions - 36.6 per cent less than the typical non-domestic worker, who is paid US$21.76. The typical domestic worker's annual earnings are just two-fifths of a typical worker in another occupation." As a result, "domestic workers are much more likely than other workers to be living in poverty," the report concludes.<br /><br />The human dimension of these statistics was described by Honor Nono, a Filipina domestic worker in San Francisco. "The work of a caregiver is no joke," she told a 2016 rally supporting the Domestic Workers Bill of Rights. Nono spoke as a member of the Pilipino Association of Workers and Immigrants, originally set up by Filipinos for Affirmative Action. "Clients vary, they may be kind or unkind, happy or grouchy, difficult or easy, even dangerous. You can break your back, your neck, arms, or shoulder assisting your clients, transferring them from bed to wheelchair or vice versa. That is why we say the caregiving job is 3D: difficult, dirty and dangerous. Some caregivers do not get the minimum wage, workers compensation or paid overtime."<br /><br />Nono has been an organiser of other care givers. "We make all other work possible," she told the rally, "and we work not only with our hands but with our hearts, because the people under our care also deserve love, respect and dignity. We are always in a battle, physically, and emotionally."<br /><br />Build Back Better<br /><br />Passing a Domestic Worker Bill of Rights in California has been part of a national strategy to pass similar legislation elsewhere. To date, ten states and three cities have adopted it in some form, and they often include guarantees of paid time off, overtime, a requirement for written agreements and protection against discrimination. In California, the first bills originally proposed guarantees of eight hours of sleep for live-in workers, the right to use kitchen facilities to cook their meals, sick pay and vacations, cost-of-living raises and advance notice of terminations. <br /><br />The final Bill of Rights was more limited, but the original demands reflect a broad agenda of goals that domestic workers seek to win over time. In Seattle, for example, a more recent bill, passed last year, brings domestic workers under the state's minimum wage law and qualifies them for unemployment insurance. A Domestic Workers Standards Board, with worker, employer and community representatives, will make further recommendations for improving working conditions.<br /><br />When the Biden administration came into office in January 2021, many of these goals were incorporated into the Build Back Better bill, which included many elements of the Bill of Rights adopted by several states. Other parts of Build Back Better would have made it possible for undocumented immigrants, including thousands of domestic workers, to gain legal immigration status. In negotiations with conservative Democrats, however, Build Back Better was pulled off the Democrats' agenda, and only a bill funding infrastructure improvements was passed. That was a blow to domestic workers and immigrant rights advocates, among many others. <br /><br />The inclusion of the domestic worker agenda in Build Back Better, and then the executive order in April, were the fruits of years fighting against their original exclusion from basic labor legislation. "The Covid pandemic showed the urgency of the need and created a unique opportunity for making systemic reforms," says Dell. "Making care available to all workers was included in Build Back Better. When it was knocked out and we could no longer pass those reforms, the executive order made sense."<br /><br />Nevertheless, it is difficult to quantify the concrete impact of the executive order, in terms of the number of people it enables to access care and the changes in the economic situation of care givers. "Basically, the administration was pulling every lever it could. In reality, there are only so many levers," Dell says.<br /><br />One major achievement of the statewide strategy was legislation in California that gave unions the right to bargain over wages paid to about 500,000 home care workers who provide care to people receiving support from the state's In-Home Supportive Service Program. Two unions - the United Domestic Workers, a local affiliate of the American Federation of State, County and Municipal Workers organized in 1977, and Local 2015 of the Service Workers International Union - were then able to negotiate wages for workers on a county-by-county basis. That led to substantial raises, and a similar system was later achieved for childcare workers. Today UDW represents 98,000 workers, and Local 2015 represents about 450,000. The number of actual union members, however, is not publicly available, however.<br /><br />The effort continues to pass a national Domestic Workers Bill of Rights, although that path is effectively blocked without a change in the political balance of forces in the Congress. In addition, in 2014 the rightwing-dominated US Supreme Court held that home care workers couldn't be required to pay union dues, and weren't actually workers at all, but 'caregivers' who don't come under labor law and can't be considered state employees. In the meantime, state-by-state efforts are continuing. They make progress in states where domestic workers and care recipients are well-organised, and where progressive Democrats have legislative majorities and governors. "The state-based model has allowed us to organise at scale, but there are not enough states," Dell warns.<br /><br />The elections of 2024 could change that calculation, but whatever happens, Dell says that unions will keep fighting for decent work for care workers: "We must make sure that workers are paid a living wage, with access to benefits, and the opportunity to join a union."<br /><br /><br />Each year, 29 October marks the International Day for Care, as part of the call for greater public investment in a resilient and inclusive care economy. For more information, you can visit the International Trade Union Confederation's online care portal. This article was copublished with Equal Times, with support from the Ford Foundation<br /> </p>davidbaconhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/08469116035735786689noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3459520319181539184.post-8868729906416661352023-09-27T23:18:00.002-07:002023-10-09T15:53:55.449-07:00FIGHTING FOR THE PUBLIC SPACE - Mexico City Streets<p>MEMORY AND REVOLUTION IN MEXICO CITY - Mexico City Streets<br />Social movements claim public space in one of the largest cities in the Americas.<br />by David Bacon <br />The Progressive - October 9, 2023<br /><a href="https://progressive.org/latest/memory-and-revolution-mexico-city-bacon-231009/">https://progressive.org/latest/memory-and-revolution-mexico-city-bacon-231009/</a></p><p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjLeAMVvb3sAQVxHHPJhCXwOtOSUpdAO5i2fF5BtgC8OCw5ga-i6BS5J3N1kjU0wAzcv1hVgJLqPOwTOJhcQ6z2lbSyIZx9DlgIBrIC_xAtufdZKBex0AhZdSlJP9kwz1NpzpDvDNSPfckqnXKDbD6UhEUSQVDSGNRLQtnZfUI7UhnumHB8nnOCby_Ykh8/s720/dnb6-23mexicocity13.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjLeAMVvb3sAQVxHHPJhCXwOtOSUpdAO5i2fF5BtgC8OCw5ga-i6BS5J3N1kjU0wAzcv1hVgJLqPOwTOJhcQ6z2lbSyIZx9DlgIBrIC_xAtufdZKBex0AhZdSlJP9kwz1NpzpDvDNSPfckqnXKDbD6UhEUSQVDSGNRLQtnZfUI7UhnumHB8nnOCby_Ykh8/s16000/dnb6-23mexicocity13.jpg" /></a></div> <p></p><p>Every day Mexico City taxi drivers, trying to navigate the city's intense traffic, tune into the morning's radio announcements of marches and demonstrations. There are a lot of them - colorful, loud and insistent. Over the years it has been easy to step out of the Maria Cristina in the morning, walk a block up to the Reforma, and join them with my camera. Much of the political life of the city is found in the street. Its social movements use the public space often as a reminder of earlier protests and actions that have given form to Mexican politics. <br /><br />Those politics reflect an interplay of street protest and a more formal electoral process. Today, following a new more open procedure for choosing presidential candidates (itself in part a product of movements in the streets), Mexico's governing party Morena (the Movement for National Regeneration), has selected as its standard bearer the city's mayor, Claudia Sheinbaum. Given the popularity of Morena and its founder, current President Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador, she is virtually certain to be elected.<br /><br />She is an engineer, a skilled politician, the daughter of a leftist family, and of course a woman. If elected, she will be Mexico's first female head of state, joining a growing number of women who head or have headed governments throughout the Americas (notably not including the United States). But it's not just women in office that is changing politics. The country's Supreme Court recently struck down the prohibition of abortion. Women have been protesting abuse and gender-based violence for years, especially since the disappearance of scores of young maquiladora workers in Juarez, on the Mexico/U.S. border.<br /><br />It's no surprise, therefore, to see that women have taken over a traffic island in the middle of the Reforma to highlight these attacks and demand justice. A metal, violet-colored silhouette of a woman with her fist in the air rises above the corrugated walls of a kiosk. The surfaces have first been painted back, and then the names of women murdered and subjected to repression have been hand lettered in white.<br /><br />The number of names is extraordinary. Each panel of the kiosk emphasizes repression directed towards a particular group. One displays the names of women journalists. Another lists indigenous activists. It includes Bety Cariño, ambushed and killed as she brought support to an autonomous Triqui town in Oaxaca, and Digna Ochoa, defender of the poor, shot in her Mexico City office. A third panel memorializes the 49 children burned to death in the ABC nursery.<br /><br />On paper banners hung on strings at the edge of the curb are the words of ordinary women, giving account of abuse: "Because of fear, because of reprisals, because I was not protected," or "Because he was family, I was afraid of what they'd think of me, and when I told my mother, and she told his mother, they said I'd probably provoked him," or simply, "He scares me."</p><p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEheADMrrVFKdajh97cdnoDgkCyRn-7cSkQwccqVaHrk3LxVT6cp2R5aE6PVZmjFucsG65TnOQwXks7dl2Z5w3skCodpIeUlvoTwwE9OmcDZIPA63nDJT8k_9c0bc53M7raTW9SR4xAl_ZzI1u-t-m3fBE1s8i_SaXoSGZFEbkZlXxWbvdPmDXstAoTQCEI/s720/dnb6-23mexicocity17.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEheADMrrVFKdajh97cdnoDgkCyRn-7cSkQwccqVaHrk3LxVT6cp2R5aE6PVZmjFucsG65TnOQwXks7dl2Z5w3skCodpIeUlvoTwwE9OmcDZIPA63nDJT8k_9c0bc53M7raTW9SR4xAl_ZzI1u-t-m3fBE1s8i_SaXoSGZFEbkZlXxWbvdPmDXstAoTQCEI/s16000/dnb6-23mexicocity17.jpg" /></a></div><br /><div class="separator" style="clear: both; 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text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiHDWcCe_VY2YJKe1QrHR22JvN4IzwT0zKmTqyMpwytglMjYeReTTwKr6ijj2oibr2KPJXa9nNgXSzDlbSeUTr2ejzM-quFDExRXx4-ruW1gyaXvJ1K1M0FxvRsQDvPvUwSai9bLXEpntiO7gwS1EuIIE2Cqh0eBsHKggQAbkIUt0Cn4GgUYnhIr8cTvHg/s720/dnb6-23mexicocity31.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiHDWcCe_VY2YJKe1QrHR22JvN4IzwT0zKmTqyMpwytglMjYeReTTwKr6ijj2oibr2KPJXa9nNgXSzDlbSeUTr2ejzM-quFDExRXx4-ruW1gyaXvJ1K1M0FxvRsQDvPvUwSai9bLXEpntiO7gwS1EuIIE2Cqh0eBsHKggQAbkIUt0Cn4GgUYnhIr8cTvHg/s16000/dnb6-23mexicocity31.jpg" /></a></div><br /><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEglOxOji6U_ws28yhOoGaunPg8xKSfd7fJi7f_aBl_v4TxEv5MD-ESx_7zWElsL-DAsgAU0wGhyphenhyphen1abaLfv6jhQTYbkXQqsP4dPtAp0fb-GrmbQ2KOXkWnBr2iqmxz_OpcPcsJN7Kjyx7KkNkHMjtJ9jO2BSEMpX7_XGCDpW20tUctODq8CmZsD2X023-NM/s720/dnb6-23mexicocity32.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEglOxOji6U_ws28yhOoGaunPg8xKSfd7fJi7f_aBl_v4TxEv5MD-ESx_7zWElsL-DAsgAU0wGhyphenhyphen1abaLfv6jhQTYbkXQqsP4dPtAp0fb-GrmbQ2KOXkWnBr2iqmxz_OpcPcsJN7Kjyx7KkNkHMjtJ9jO2BSEMpX7_XGCDpW20tUctODq8CmZsD2X023-NM/s16000/dnb6-23mexicocity32.jpg" /></a></div> <p></p><p>Further up the Reforma is another permanent memorial. Not far from the guarded facade of the U.S. Embassy, and the buildings housing rich banks and government offices, is the Ayotzinapa encampment.<br /><br />Nine years ago, students set out in commandeered busses from their teachers' training school in Guerrero to the annual march commemorating the death of hundreds of students in the city's Tlateloco Plaza in 1968. Forty three Ayotzinapa students were seized and disappeared. Through those nine years the investigation into the crime's authors has reached into the highest levels of the government, especially the armed forces. While previous administrations tried to pretend the students were simply victims of a narcotics cartel, it has become clear that there were deep political reasons for their murder. <br /><br />The Ayotzinapa school itself has been the target of the Mexican right for its history of training rural teachers. The school gave students a radical and Marxist analysis of their country, preparing them to be social organizers, even revolutionaries. It followed the tradition of one of its best known professors, Lucio Cabañas, who took up arms against the Mexican government in the 1960s. <br /><br />Over the years since the 43 murders, new generations of Ayotzinapa student have kept up pressure on the government by coming to the capital every month. They have built a permanent camp on the Reforma, with cabins and shelters for sleeping and space for meetings. Surrounding it are silkscreened images of the disappeared students, strung in rows on the shelter's walls, facing the traffic. This planton, or encampment, even boasts a small library, cared for by Martin, one of a group dedicated to maintaining the space.</p><p>On September 28 the families of the 43 disappeared lifted another planton they'd maintained in front of the Military Camp #1 in Mexico City, after a new report from the Commission for Truth and Access to Justice authored by Undersecretary for Human Rights Alejandro Encinas. Mexican President Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador stated, “We have not abandoned the case, we are going to continue investigating it for the mothers and the fathers, for justice and also for our convictions." He gave a new order to the army to release files on the case it had withheld, including documentation of the personal involvement of past President Enrique Peña Nieto in covering up the crime.<br /><br />Public space is contested space for protest movements in any city. In some, any effort to create a permanent presence is greeted with fire hoses, arrests and worse. Mexico City has its own history of trying to sweep social movements out of sight. But a tradition of popular protest is equally strong, including the planton. It has popular recognition, which the government must take into account.</p><p> </p><p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhl2vHW5THg8DT9mbayVmjwiP-DFFxJlPtAxcV-0OL0SV8h4wkW1geNzh4LniLYklIeyptoFKCDBTmv4V5KyvNwE8rHll21VJtzTxlebToC8lNGEi1ajWF413HP9XEpNG5dXa-XQu1IMRjiwd78zasVKZfaN8l6ORRfaKBuOYRPJUuFWPzfD3maAm5HF6I/s720/dnb6-23mexicocity36.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhl2vHW5THg8DT9mbayVmjwiP-DFFxJlPtAxcV-0OL0SV8h4wkW1geNzh4LniLYklIeyptoFKCDBTmv4V5KyvNwE8rHll21VJtzTxlebToC8lNGEi1ajWF413HP9XEpNG5dXa-XQu1IMRjiwd78zasVKZfaN8l6ORRfaKBuOYRPJUuFWPzfD3maAm5HF6I/s16000/dnb6-23mexicocity36.jpg" /></a></div><br /><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjCugalsPsSkSGKZN7f-JjLMuOKKiFCL20NPM0iZAGZaZgR82JnvSnnOL4WOrFUnvpUV0mf7X5jMOQ413ulzs2_h9J10FUuSARnaReR39RU0K5E944xb4-AIWkrziit7utt2CFcTUsiM-C8QNBKqmz5ApBTfr0lWs19yPdS6pAbcCMTknOKp4Nngm65RMU/s720/dnb6-23mexicocity38.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; 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text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgbUkKKJK4i1Z6g1o3PZl7PVSpM7rnPNeCvNKALM1kHLoWQfDtXMXy0qds-4NZ4CxXueTDC_6sEGTsz330jVt8_IcrqOCZGno-4iSl1Nto0js6snLJNJWxZfhIrupUZyz3DdAjfM_PuerE4-7Kr8jgBtgWIsab4oXdzkHipSVmxFAtJClnkS9gcEQ_fUdQ/s720/dnb6-23mexicocity45.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgbUkKKJK4i1Z6g1o3PZl7PVSpM7rnPNeCvNKALM1kHLoWQfDtXMXy0qds-4NZ4CxXueTDC_6sEGTsz330jVt8_IcrqOCZGno-4iSl1Nto0js6snLJNJWxZfhIrupUZyz3DdAjfM_PuerE4-7Kr8jgBtgWIsab4oXdzkHipSVmxFAtJClnkS9gcEQ_fUdQ/s16000/dnb6-23mexicocity45.jpg" /></a></div><br /><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh6YAmh9RDKI9wwXwJqhuGhOaEXgkUrjTDfEgbl_mGvXZuDxDAVoiZ58PQO0LAyaU2mR0uNOOo-w29TfN8F6jFqqX-T0h0tEZ7AhI1449dMR366B9cG7gjFsa9Fylr82djnumUEHNmljN4IB_-Df6Zdf979KSrYKip3241h0rgc6oDT3y-I6vQWdXIcPx8/s720/dnb6-23mexicocity47.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh6YAmh9RDKI9wwXwJqhuGhOaEXgkUrjTDfEgbl_mGvXZuDxDAVoiZ58PQO0LAyaU2mR0uNOOo-w29TfN8F6jFqqX-T0h0tEZ7AhI1449dMR366B9cG7gjFsa9Fylr82djnumUEHNmljN4IB_-Df6Zdf979KSrYKip3241h0rgc6oDT3y-I6vQWdXIcPx8/s16000/dnb6-23mexicocity47.jpg" /></a></div><br /><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh3QYqQGBqCgb4pst-gL3BY1k7SAVmhTMz4En19xJzSc296UGaWv6wNxV3IxWjXLbKA3wGyK5EySL-7NTNPWGIVIe7MOf2EN5bg7B7v8OeakhjUoshO2FDqxy5TY5fk3D0ByeWtSDUSqco61yLqMHvoGWxnROd8WzRRTkYjcwh7FBuHh-MRL5-TtWJL5hc/s720/dnb6-23mexicocity49.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh3QYqQGBqCgb4pst-gL3BY1k7SAVmhTMz4En19xJzSc296UGaWv6wNxV3IxWjXLbKA3wGyK5EySL-7NTNPWGIVIe7MOf2EN5bg7B7v8OeakhjUoshO2FDqxy5TY5fk3D0ByeWtSDUSqco61yLqMHvoGWxnROd8WzRRTkYjcwh7FBuHh-MRL5-TtWJL5hc/s16000/dnb6-23mexicocity49.jpg" /></a></div> <p></p><p>Perhaps the Ayotzinapa encampment, and the Glorieta de las Mujeres que Luchan (the Roundabout of the Women in Struggle) are products of a certain political moment. But perhaps they will become as much a part of the recognized life of the city as the Angel of Independence. The column with its winged statue has towered over the Reforma since 1910, the first year of the Mexican Revolution.<br /><br />The two occupations of public space mark their own watershed in Mexican politics, and that change, with or without memorials, will perhaps last decades as well.<br /></p>davidbaconhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/08469116035735786689noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3459520319181539184.post-605525458460687102023-08-31T23:16:00.002-07:002023-08-31T23:16:49.188-07:00LIFE LIVED IN PUBLIC - Mexico City Streets<p>LIFE LIVED IN PUBLIC - Mexico City Streets<br />Photographs by David Bacon<br /><br />In most of the world people live much of their lives outdoors, in the street. Mexico City is no different. A lot happens in the street here. Public life means not so much events for public consumption, but more life lived in the public space. <br /><br />Walking through the old centro historico the first thing you see are people working. Two men break through the asphalt for a street repair project. People carry things - an anonymous bundle clutched to the chest, tacos being delivered for someone's lunch. A woman in a bright red dress balances a tray of pan dulce on her head, striding down the sidewalk past the Alameda, the legs of the folded stand she'll use to set up her stall hanging from her arm. <br /></p><p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEiRkD6v4B6Uzq88e632DUdB2wmorEs1iaF1Q6sR9Fjw38gYe_AapTfpHAKxCTEFiAivHw0uZrmq2JfhV0BGbiwzAmq0RBstLvUYaaSJfaOaGwnROnwo7P6PGivmH9u60HEvhr9bvo8E15pI63zqHJM7ZDjAJVvWbC3rXcM-9glzsTp5bZ9XJwyPpdHzc5k" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEiRkD6v4B6Uzq88e632DUdB2wmorEs1iaF1Q6sR9Fjw38gYe_AapTfpHAKxCTEFiAivHw0uZrmq2JfhV0BGbiwzAmq0RBstLvUYaaSJfaOaGwnROnwo7P6PGivmH9u60HEvhr9bvo8E15pI63zqHJM7ZDjAJVvWbC3rXcM-9glzsTp5bZ9XJwyPpdHzc5k=s16000" /></a></div><p></p><p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEgEGob-zdZmW-5Em8ArfldE6G2RPjNBcbLFBoGULTpMsWcxHAWlPhTb3EBMPy_BWSWifnvxIXLyM-Fui0F7u9tfDPfMg5v5sirA59L1b87k35vnoez5C9o0xkoXVGeXOybT2kThi-yJvJoEFa-UOqs6Fien_xp2aXwzuZxrKPG85UukCx67Sy6ZGgDbYa8" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEgEGob-zdZmW-5Em8ArfldE6G2RPjNBcbLFBoGULTpMsWcxHAWlPhTb3EBMPy_BWSWifnvxIXLyM-Fui0F7u9tfDPfMg5v5sirA59L1b87k35vnoez5C9o0xkoXVGeXOybT2kThi-yJvJoEFa-UOqs6Fien_xp2aXwzuZxrKPG85UukCx67Sy6ZGgDbYa8=s16000" /></a></div><br /><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEh-QC_yPqvTVJrBqj9Uk1MNw2FtYkqnd2xjy3_MV-p5S-HQysxbVdFBpz9ND7y5q2yPo0QNni8Vml4V2WrsT8cIbqjQRCTMUCHKYqyOlDVwVztDppxADiTRktUah3NFk2RDI3TmzzMXsC0QJd2zXXooKNczwOLd2zx-i50YIyG6W3mj0oZQT3Jtto93tlQ" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEh-QC_yPqvTVJrBqj9Uk1MNw2FtYkqnd2xjy3_MV-p5S-HQysxbVdFBpz9ND7y5q2yPo0QNni8Vml4V2WrsT8cIbqjQRCTMUCHKYqyOlDVwVztDppxADiTRktUah3NFk2RDI3TmzzMXsC0QJd2zXXooKNczwOLd2zx-i50YIyG6W3mj0oZQT3Jtto93tlQ=s16000" /></a></div><br /><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEgOcKmuLPtt6pMFmeASJ4q0JnIZS98le1X7K3bQWKGaQpsWlrzxBER46O_pd0ZjNb_pUPKq3F-QM6z0TT3zWqlmrBFazdCbmQQiYaRHF-ioGkcmI-1pojFhIluPVAtcJrQpsOZHx_fEW7qUjy-0xuueKfTIdm5WXTAC2EO9dE24Jm_rcqYdKT29jfIiAxE" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="" data-original-height="1073" data-original-width="720" height="640" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEgOcKmuLPtt6pMFmeASJ4q0JnIZS98le1X7K3bQWKGaQpsWlrzxBER46O_pd0ZjNb_pUPKq3F-QM6z0TT3zWqlmrBFazdCbmQQiYaRHF-ioGkcmI-1pojFhIluPVAtcJrQpsOZHx_fEW7qUjy-0xuueKfTIdm5WXTAC2EO9dE24Jm_rcqYdKT29jfIiAxE=w429-h640" width="429" /></a></div><p></p><p>In the park a nanny puts a sock on the small foot of the child she cares
for. A street sweeper poses with her broom. A guard stands at
attention in front of a jewelry store on the Zocalo. How long can he
keep it up?</p><p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEjLcYq6uhYIT-SzF5wfTARxh19DTgYWYxGKxMOfEZ3boKill1J2Gia0CVjtwCPBL-jChln-bKnLbMeONRbN6tGBuTtkhx5AzCjhtJo8Fnczmg3svh3zUViPyDd6iRx-uWcgCthaEsTVe6ZZR2YtYenYFekZJIwAtWyc8dUqiK-n2vUjkX6qF4yenPZAdf8" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEjLcYq6uhYIT-SzF5wfTARxh19DTgYWYxGKxMOfEZ3boKill1J2Gia0CVjtwCPBL-jChln-bKnLbMeONRbN6tGBuTtkhx5AzCjhtJo8Fnczmg3svh3zUViPyDd6iRx-uWcgCthaEsTVe6ZZR2YtYenYFekZJIwAtWyc8dUqiK-n2vUjkX6qF4yenPZAdf8=s16000" /></a></div><br /><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEhvo3_1IeFp8baAzf6DAGkyera4yy00cOP1qFg8eWyv1AVrXwuwGa2TH2kyFBli2JlsE7IeHd6UZB0YUV-DUSvHJ4K0Dj7bN-aNdDo9V0LIDQjdVmkq61y-urBoBkhEX3T1acVLN8sT8nPGfbMaOQA0vqCqahJvwwOmcXlV6NatEOp2Wo9tF5_rUIwq-h0" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEhvo3_1IeFp8baAzf6DAGkyera4yy00cOP1qFg8eWyv1AVrXwuwGa2TH2kyFBli2JlsE7IeHd6UZB0YUV-DUSvHJ4K0Dj7bN-aNdDo9V0LIDQjdVmkq61y-urBoBkhEX3T1acVLN8sT8nPGfbMaOQA0vqCqahJvwwOmcXlV6NatEOp2Wo9tF5_rUIwq-h0=s16000" /></a></div><br /><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEgOM5mws-OGcX6QT82oJhK4g9RAB2mqcWEaUEV0HXrcvQXGoRYBmL8495dKUsC0uF3MX8uHrian3eg5qpVBvdjbBepPYngB3EW1KtySIcyhH7SFMIMy6CQJwFqxQfJ74tWqyYSKKZgT7qT9f8vOs1QttO6w5Zp_W7ImCnA4PJC69XqS5iV00h8R15ksW0c" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEgOM5mws-OGcX6QT82oJhK4g9RAB2mqcWEaUEV0HXrcvQXGoRYBmL8495dKUsC0uF3MX8uHrian3eg5qpVBvdjbBepPYngB3EW1KtySIcyhH7SFMIMy6CQJwFqxQfJ74tWqyYSKKZgT7qT9f8vOs1QttO6w5Zp_W7ImCnA4PJC69XqS5iV00h8R15ksW0c=s16000" /></a></div><p></p><p>Tired workers sleep in the street too. An older woman takes a nap at
lunchtime, the way I did in the factory years ago, grabbing a few
minutes before going back to work. Two bicycle messengers are asleep,
one on a bench and another beneath it. A line of workers sits back,
some nodding out, against the building they're fixing up. </p><p><br /></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEhneG4M9TqXF2DD0e7uwzgmASa_NEPKXQh9vtg5o1idvZjm7MQ8r8uKi8Yl-Z9XDw9wtDBC6NkCteQ6AXHKDa02E_rbuPLTIEp_x8dpUzF7ayIIcLTg4zHO8VDcYUXbcoGay0bw3WbEsmssof9AhJFGwrCrGKxPrLt6ItwLrAgqfqTfj7xYcvKU-Dl0HX8" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEhneG4M9TqXF2DD0e7uwzgmASa_NEPKXQh9vtg5o1idvZjm7MQ8r8uKi8Yl-Z9XDw9wtDBC6NkCteQ6AXHKDa02E_rbuPLTIEp_x8dpUzF7ayIIcLTg4zHO8VDcYUXbcoGay0bw3WbEsmssof9AhJFGwrCrGKxPrLt6ItwLrAgqfqTfj7xYcvKU-Dl0HX8=s16000" /></a></div><br /><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEh8fRhIka83L5PTJQINn34WZzAgmfmXxAPxXlT7BCMnmN6jkhaNi8vt0uy-JUbBeOw2QZUZmxslRDZGdziwdC4WLvHp0YZUapoElSodYLdfsyTi_JEPHEzPUSITl5hSzyag58kQT4v-o8hBTaL72ibbFpq_2cKN9Pdk2VYKFxCP8zyeCMIxHbfalbezDkk" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEh8fRhIka83L5PTJQINn34WZzAgmfmXxAPxXlT7BCMnmN6jkhaNi8vt0uy-JUbBeOw2QZUZmxslRDZGdziwdC4WLvHp0YZUapoElSodYLdfsyTi_JEPHEzPUSITl5hSzyag58kQT4v-o8hBTaL72ibbFpq_2cKN9Pdk2VYKFxCP8zyeCMIxHbfalbezDkk=s16000" /></a></div><br /><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEgGLA96WnfPFFpYM18Tlc0P3v3GYkw3dx_t4cwrhFPIvfAHThrJIbHghyLJJny0Fp6W4uOLsEhBAm90uNk-atZoTrqJbZGxMNTFmvJnb8y-uUhMHwnrPL10tZvet1t-984EKIwuwOpslut-ZQpqyyIiIWSMqvV2VdXMEtAVOV11BniERIg-KQvAtAuBqoQ" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEgGLA96WnfPFFpYM18Tlc0P3v3GYkw3dx_t4cwrhFPIvfAHThrJIbHghyLJJny0Fp6W4uOLsEhBAm90uNk-atZoTrqJbZGxMNTFmvJnb8y-uUhMHwnrPL10tZvet1t-984EKIwuwOpslut-ZQpqyyIiIWSMqvV2VdXMEtAVOV11BniERIg-KQvAtAuBqoQ=s16000" /></a></div><p></p><p>Of course, not everyone is working. Two older women are deep in
conversation, their walking canes planted beside them, while two younger
women seem a little doubtful about the words of their companion, as he
guides them past one of the street obstructions around the National
Palace. Not far away, next to the cathedral, a young man puts on
greasepaint in a fanciful calacas, getting ready for the next Aztec
dance.</p><p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEhLw6yrIVYlztnVUkyIkMGerZNwkZdTINbKE7oKRZ3_Xhwkb363hKatRjDIc9wKPPr9L0O2qYz1I1jsdwuOj6oNXQOxQxr8707fjiIdXsJqDFbSY8lR0a-0SueTztc7p7fluS-CUvbA5qhZyr3XlxGqy6mZi1WNxsHS4VrMkMP3-MT5elDYUq4B2TwyXMQ" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEhLw6yrIVYlztnVUkyIkMGerZNwkZdTINbKE7oKRZ3_Xhwkb363hKatRjDIc9wKPPr9L0O2qYz1I1jsdwuOj6oNXQOxQxr8707fjiIdXsJqDFbSY8lR0a-0SueTztc7p7fluS-CUvbA5qhZyr3XlxGqy6mZi1WNxsHS4VrMkMP3-MT5elDYUq4B2TwyXMQ=s16000" /></a></div><br /><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEiG6aOokN3iL5Yfu1aZPo7sCbyFl7d8X4aaLz5h_BQ85qHba-Y_EVXFoVFWzC3E4CD8jgXmGXH0k9nvCjMqSD15HpKaTyLYrIbJ22AGWPulWf1jlyMeD_Jc7FXLWaUjdNLWLYpKDDr-CcMMw8UtN0VOWLnW_hU1n5KnEYlX0Ux4DNERuPX0nKjNI9HMZdg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEiG6aOokN3iL5Yfu1aZPo7sCbyFl7d8X4aaLz5h_BQ85qHba-Y_EVXFoVFWzC3E4CD8jgXmGXH0k9nvCjMqSD15HpKaTyLYrIbJ22AGWPulWf1jlyMeD_Jc7FXLWaUjdNLWLYpKDDr-CcMMw8UtN0VOWLnW_hU1n5KnEYlX0Ux4DNERuPX0nKjNI9HMZdg=s16000" /></a></div><br /><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEgpp-Ob2PVYBoYchRIJd2HE9aHTn8dNeJi7ELwOsFfRl5-LqwN2LhryQBCnoCicTuV_UuA3cWib8HwHwIfcF8rcfSmtlA2y4VvnpzCKWOczwUqzkm4EXaKlfFyIJc5pcgvmwwbycjVGf6k4uf7yeXhmxg5Z34sWOxF5UZjUcTo69jU2-0bFthF9v4L_QJU" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEgpp-Ob2PVYBoYchRIJd2HE9aHTn8dNeJi7ELwOsFfRl5-LqwN2LhryQBCnoCicTuV_UuA3cWib8HwHwIfcF8rcfSmtlA2y4VvnpzCKWOczwUqzkm4EXaKlfFyIJc5pcgvmwwbycjVGf6k4uf7yeXhmxg5Z34sWOxF5UZjUcTo69jU2-0bFthF9v4L_QJU=s16000" /></a></div><p></p><p>As evening starts to soften the light, a bench on the Reforma, a very
public space, becomes one of temporary seclusion for two lovers - a
moment together they likely can't get with family at home. </p><p><br /></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEhBYa57B3SMhUpPb7D9bIT_CuuwtCmw8rupj_9WvSSXg9wSOKO1urfzfidADho6Zs2Km8v5BXPWP-hUufszmNAOIM8YH0mDPd2IrWcga0nkRNiTLf8MigPoUZg2v3Ear0PZpZWaFKAzOI9mlNiMLkFMB8Ub6jDg35zVZLMefFSqlM7i0FuALPTJmows4wg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEhBYa57B3SMhUpPb7D9bIT_CuuwtCmw8rupj_9WvSSXg9wSOKO1urfzfidADho6Zs2Km8v5BXPWP-hUufszmNAOIM8YH0mDPd2IrWcga0nkRNiTLf8MigPoUZg2v3Ear0PZpZWaFKAzOI9mlNiMLkFMB8Ub6jDg35zVZLMefFSqlM7i0FuALPTJmows4wg=s16000" /></a></div><p></p><p>And then a final jazz riff from the sidewalk trumpeter.</p><p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEiOKRuq72wTL8-PqSjaez9rEYsJmsKal5kINkmhfK2Tk94pS_xiCRg_k9BUHPqOiPTCLmERx6oMaBEsIolMu2UdRKsM3d-gWTRlaA2Kcg-5X797cGycfJe_65CF8Tm1dJAmGEB_Qhcy4t5-tQHARcu19XweM5FdZtGoaMc0rZcmZTwlDuytlCfhwQXD5cs" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEiOKRuq72wTL8-PqSjaez9rEYsJmsKal5kINkmhfK2Tk94pS_xiCRg_k9BUHPqOiPTCLmERx6oMaBEsIolMu2UdRKsM3d-gWTRlaA2Kcg-5X797cGycfJe_65CF8Tm1dJAmGEB_Qhcy4t5-tQHARcu19XweM5FdZtGoaMc0rZcmZTwlDuytlCfhwQXD5cs=s16000" /></a></div><br /><br /><p></p>davidbaconhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/08469116035735786689noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3459520319181539184.post-45983682668514445262023-08-31T16:37:00.007-07:002023-08-31T16:37:51.895-07:00FROM SPAIN TO DELANO - THE RADICAL ROOTS OF FARMWORKER UNIONS<p>FROM SPAIN TO DELANO - THE RADICAL ROOTS OF FARMWORKER UNIONS<br />By David Bacon <br />Positively Filipino, 8/30/23<br /><a href="https://www.positivelyfilipino.com/magazine/from-spain-to-delanothe-radical-roots-of-farm-workers-unions">https://www.positivelyfilipino.com/magazine/from-spain-to-delanothe-radical-roots-of-farm-workers-unions</a><br /><br /><br />We can't talk about defending the human and labor rights of farm workers without talking about their history of organizing unions-and the efforts by the government to suppress them. Liberal mythology holds that farm worker unions didn't exist until the creation of United Farm Workers in the '60s and that the farm worker unions and advocacy organizations of today appeared out of nowhere, with no history of struggle that went before. <br /><br />But in fact, during the 1930s Filipinos and other farm workers organized left-wing unions and huge strikes. According to Rick Baldoz, a professor at Oberlin College, "The burgeoning strike activity involving thousands of Filipinos in the mid-1930s occasioned a furious backlash from growers who worked closely with local law enforcement." <br /><br />The people who fought to organize unions in the '30s, '40s and '50s on the West Coast were the same people who fought for Spain-in the same organizations, like the International Longshore and Warehouse Union, and especially ILWU Local 37. Of all the efforts to organize farm workers, the ones that were closest to the International Brigades were those of the Filipinos during those years. And the forces that later went after the Lincoln vets were the same as those that went after the farm worker unions, using the same tools: blacklisting and deportations.<br /><br />Baldoz gained access to the FBI files on one of the most radical of the Filipino leaders, Carlos Bulosan. "The fact that these partisans attracted the attention of federal authorities during the Cold War is hardly surprising," he says. "Filipino workers had developed a well-earned reputation for labor militancy in the United States dating back to the early 1930s. That a considerable number of Filipinos (both from the U.S. and the Philippines) had volunteered for the International Brigades during the Spanish Civil War... only added to the perception that they were immersed in international left-wing politics."<br /><br />In their history of Asian volunteers in the Spanish Civil War, Nancy and Len Tsou write: "At least 11 Filipinos went to Spain to join the International Brigades. Among them, several came from the United States. [Pedro] Penino was able to establish the Rizal Company, a part of the International Brigades named in honor of a Filipino national hero." The Tsous name the following volunteers: Manuel Lizarraga, Artemio Ortega Luna, Enrique Almenar Gabra, Modesto Ausobasa Esteban, Dimitri Gorostiaga, Eduardo Miranda Gonzales, Pedro Penino, Carlos Lopez Maestu, Mark Fajardo, Servando Acevedo Mondragon and Aquilino Belmonte Capinolio.</p><p> </p><p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjQiuwZjvENBb_10gQxbDLpAS3qrW7pB6WGvnEVorYstfjVHXlNp4nYMd-r2cRwQk-JsbQ92kQ98PDezuuOGMu4MDzeixVVJs3vzegKuZ5vmE4iCQK0_0cXw3nCE-tPg4XgNYJTQMxBDKqtrsnogNocH0kTPa2SIHtIbWGmQUgMB_G9jMFry4agES_v4nQ/s720/1.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="480" data-original-width="720" height="426" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjQiuwZjvENBb_10gQxbDLpAS3qrW7pB6WGvnEVorYstfjVHXlNp4nYMd-r2cRwQk-JsbQ92kQ98PDezuuOGMu4MDzeixVVJs3vzegKuZ5vmE4iCQK0_0cXw3nCE-tPg4XgNYJTQMxBDKqtrsnogNocH0kTPa2SIHtIbWGmQUgMB_G9jMFry4agES_v4nQ/w640-h426/1.jpg" width="640" /></a></div> <br /><i>A group of International volunteers in Spain (L-R): a seaman from Chile; Sterling Rochester (USA); Artemio Luna Ortega (Philippines); Juan Santiago (Cuba); and Jack Shirai (Japan).</i><p></p><p><i> </i></p><p><i></i></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><i><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgIBz7iEE22ZjzvJdy7dgh6xJn8VpKFSARjP3og9EhbffujpGHAjPUUmufgWko9nSlDouZ8ElFm9IcvPb-L4ZxVo1px14EDl-EgaBMys1qFaZSgfU1Z6pR9AM0Uu27By9ACHZYSe0ix3d7jCvChD8miQXPdQ3o9HRqHT8655dZuqZxke5OZ7vS6yAuIFaM/s902/2.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="902" data-original-width="720" height="400" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgIBz7iEE22ZjzvJdy7dgh6xJn8VpKFSARjP3og9EhbffujpGHAjPUUmufgWko9nSlDouZ8ElFm9IcvPb-L4ZxVo1px14EDl-EgaBMys1qFaZSgfU1Z6pR9AM0Uu27By9ACHZYSe0ix3d7jCvChD8miQXPdQ3o9HRqHT8655dZuqZxke5OZ7vS6yAuIFaM/w319-h400/2.jpg" width="319" /></a></i></div><i> </i><br /><i>Artemio Luna Ortega was born in the Philippines, 1901. He served in the Constabulary from 1922-1925. He immigrated to the US in 1927 where he worked as a draftsman after college. He was a member of the CPUSA and FAECT. He arrived in Spain on January 14, 1937. Artemio served with ALB at Jarama, Brunete and as a guard Villa Paz. He also the joined the GTU. His fate beyond Spain is currently unknown.</i><br /><br /><br />Bulosan had worked as a farm laborer since his arrival in the U.S. in 1930, but after his health was destroyed by his work he tried to make a living as a journalist. "Every word is a weapon for freedom," the FBI reported him telling a colleague. In 1946, Bulosan wrote America Is in the Heart, a classic and moving account of life as a Filipino migrant farm worker during the 1930s. The FBI viewed the book as evidence of his Communist associations during the Cold War. Bulosan was hired by leaders of Local 37 of the International Longshore and Warehouse Union, Ernesto Mangaoang and Chris Mensalvas, to edit the union's yearbook in 1952. Among its many appeals for support for radical causes, it urged solidarity with the Huk movement in the Philippines, against continued U.S. imperialist domination of its former colony. <p></p><p><br /></p><p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhD5dV5tEFAbawfhY6fc9wFeZjtr5OhGW24_-xO1htbXipELTsPtTPTHk8y0LAJbpEsO6GLzUC1pnbYPyOujqr9n_cQLcQ2TLK-tqiIGAxVA6e3bAXuK_hU_3EgUOGWvWNJrHKn_C8a5zLSR2sZHNBNSWxmZKc-7Dyc6qW-LUlK3mmxhaBTnQeZGtRj8bY/s960/3.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="960" data-original-width="720" height="400" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhD5dV5tEFAbawfhY6fc9wFeZjtr5OhGW24_-xO1htbXipELTsPtTPTHk8y0LAJbpEsO6GLzUC1pnbYPyOujqr9n_cQLcQ2TLK-tqiIGAxVA6e3bAXuK_hU_3EgUOGWvWNJrHKn_C8a5zLSR2sZHNBNSWxmZKc-7Dyc6qW-LUlK3mmxhaBTnQeZGtRj8bY/w300-h400/3.jpg" width="300" /></a></div> <br /><i>Carlos Bulosan, a farm worker and later an acclaimed author, caught the attention of the FBI.</i><br /><br /><br />In the 1930s, Local 37 was organized by Filipinos who were the workforce in the salmon canneries on the Alaska coast. They were mostly single men, recruited to come to the U.S. from the Philippines. They were shipped to the canneries from Seattle every season, where they faced discrimination and terrible conditions. They organized Local 37 to change those conditions and forced the fish companies to sign contracts.<br /><br />Until 1949, Local 37 had been part of the Congress of Industrial Organizations' (CIO) farm workers union, the United Cannery, Agricultural and Packing House Workers of America. From 1936 to 1953, the U.S. labor movement was split between the left-wing CIO and the rightwing American Federation of Labor. In 1949, as the Cold War started, the CIO expelled nine unions, including UCAPAWA and the ILWU, because of their left-wing politics and often Communist leaders.<br /><br />At the height of the McCarthyite hysteria more than 30 members of Local 37 were arrested and threatened with deportation to the Philippines. Raymundo Cabanilla, a former CIO organizer, named names to the FBI, identifying fellow labor activists, including Ernesto Mangaoang, as Communists. Eventually Mangaoang's deportation case was thrown out by the courts. He argued that he couldn't be deported, given that he was a U.S. "national" when he arrived in Seattle in the 20s. "National" was a status given Filipinos because the Philippines was a U.S. colony at the time. Filipinos couldn't be considered immigrants, but they weren't quite citizens either. <br /><br />Meanwhile, the Federal government tried to bankrupt Local 37 by forcing the accused workers to pay high bails and lawyers' fees. Union leaders were so tied up in legal defense that a conservative faction took control of the local. That group held it until it was thrown out in the 1980s by a new young generation of radical Filipinos, two of whom, Silme Domingo and Gene Viernes (a former farm worker) were assassinated.<br /><br />UCAPAWA (renamed the Food, Tobacco and Agricultural Workers) was destroyed in the 1949 purge of the CIO, and the Filipino local in Seattle was taken in by Harry Bridges' union, becoming ILWU Local 37. It survived, and today is part of the ILWU's Inland Boatman's Union. <br /><br />Today, 52 years after the historic 1965 Delano grape strike, it is important to reexamine this history, especially the radical career of Larry Itliong, who headed the Agricultural Workers Organizing Committee (AWOC). Itliong not only shared leadership with Cesar Chavez but actually started the strike. He had a long history as an organizer. <p></p><p> </p><p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgY3PdSJcU2C79T85WooCDFfjaYjkz1NfIHLvLoytbN7qD4SEHPcwwkuefbI8GBjsjFUq_tlIHkgPWWvkCSDmSWejrWwijGmwioDCpM_lky0lSMpq1wm8TDb9MRyyoFqR6j6ps8vxKCSOYmjiesZcQo8kkYDlFnm7jYnYrJXbBvW1wxzeJS0ETRPTSapzE/s720/4.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="306" data-original-width="720" height="272" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgY3PdSJcU2C79T85WooCDFfjaYjkz1NfIHLvLoytbN7qD4SEHPcwwkuefbI8GBjsjFUq_tlIHkgPWWvkCSDmSWejrWwijGmwioDCpM_lky0lSMpq1wm8TDb9MRyyoFqR6j6ps8vxKCSOYmjiesZcQo8kkYDlFnm7jYnYrJXbBvW1wxzeJS0ETRPTSapzE/w640-h272/4.jpg" width="640" /></a></div> <br /><i>Labor leaders Larry Itliong (left) and Cesar Chavez (Right) at the Delano Grape Strike (Source: CAAM.org)</i><br /><br /><br />Itliong was Ernesto Mangaoang's protégé. In the late 1940s, he was Local 37's dispatcher, sending workers on the boats from Seattle to the Alaska salmon canneries. After the salmon season was over, many Filipinos would return home to California's Salinas and San Joaquin Valleys, where they worked as farm laborers for the rest of the year. In the segregated barrios of towns like Stockton and Salinas they organized hometown associations and social clubs. Itliong used these networks to organize Filipinos when they went to work in the fields. Along with Chris Mensalvas, at the time Local 37 president, Itliong organized a strike in Stockton's asparagus fields in 1949. <br /><br />Once the left-wingers lost power in the union, however, its conservative leaders stopped its farm worker organizing drives. Still, in the early 1950s Filipino farm workers continued to organize. Ernesto Galarza (author of "Merchants of Labor") started the National Farm Labor Union, which struck the giant DiGiorgio Corporation, then California's largest grower. In 1959 the Agricultural Workers Organizing Committee (AWOC) was set up by the merged AFL-CIO. After hiring Itliong as an organizer because of his history among Filipino workers, AWOC used flying squads of pickets to mount quick strikes. In 1962, it struck the Imperial Valley lettuce harvest, demanding $1.25 per hour. <br /><br />The grape strike started in Delano on September 8, 1965, when Filipino pickers walked off the fields. Mexican workers joined them two weeks later. The strike went on for five years, until all California table grape growers were forced to sign contracts in 1970. The strike was a watershed struggle for civil and labor rights, supported by millions of people across the country, breathing new life into the labor movement and opening doors for immigrants and people of color. <p></p><p> </p><p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgmkuGJ-_f0vdpkxIf-FklsgFk097wF-GYss9QOvoUJvFFGkTimqXnPqPRasnF3qkCXnVXxNRa4gLLaQHBEv_DxPzUZnzF_2tfDXhI6BZzWi5ModftGrmwIFehOt4tmuUtQRySSPAyyZgZXL6fyy9ek90bx9kA_WdPHVXvxEugLlvwDXpNgGYdv0KMrJGQ/s732/5.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="732" data-original-width="720" height="400" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgmkuGJ-_f0vdpkxIf-FklsgFk097wF-GYss9QOvoUJvFFGkTimqXnPqPRasnF3qkCXnVXxNRa4gLLaQHBEv_DxPzUZnzF_2tfDXhI6BZzWi5ModftGrmwIFehOt4tmuUtQRySSPAyyZgZXL6fyy9ek90bx9kA_WdPHVXvxEugLlvwDXpNgGYdv0KMrJGQ/w394-h400/5.jpg" width="394" /></a></div> <br /><i>Filipino workers on strike (Source: Harvey Richards Media Archive)</i><br /><br /><br />California's politics have changed profoundly in these 52 years, in large part because of that strike. Delano's mayor today is a Filipino. That would have been unthinkable in 1965, when growers treated the town as a plantation. Children of farm worker families have become members of the state legislature. Last year they spearheaded passage of a law that requires the same overtime pay for farm workers as for all other workers-the first state to pass such a law.<br /><br />The 1965 Delano grape strike did not, however, start in Delano. It was in the Coachella Valley, near the Mexican border where California's grape harvest begins, that Filipino workers struck the vineyards that summer. They won a 40¢/hour wage increase from grape growers and forced authorities to drop charges against arrested strikers. The Coachella strike was organized by Larry Itliong. After the grape harvest moved north to Delano, he and the Filipino workers of AWOC walked out again. <br /><br />The timing of the 1965 strike was not accidental. It took place the year after Galarza, Bert Corona, Cesar Chavez, and other civil rights and labor activists forced Congress to repeal Public Law 78 and end the bracero contract labor program, under which growers brought workers from Mexico under tightly controlled, almost slave-like conditions. Farm worker leaders acted after the law's repeal, because once the program was ended growers could no longer bring braceros into the U.S. to break strikes.<br /><br />The Delano strike was a movement of immigrant workers. To organize farm labor, both Filipinos and Mexicans wanted to keep growers and the government from using immigration policy against them. In ending the bracero program, they sought instead immigration policies favoring families and communities. In the 1965 immigration reform they established family reunification as a basic principle of immigration policy. This enabled thousands of people, especially family members of farm workers, to come from the Philippines, Mexico and other developing countries. <br /><br />The Delano strike was not spontaneous or unexpected. It was a product of decades of worker organizing and earlier farm worker strikes. Many Filipino workers in Coachella and Delano were members of ILWU Local 37 in 1965, when the grape strike began. Every year they still traveled from the San Joaquin Valley (where Delano is located) to the Alaska fish canneries. Through the end of their lives, they were often active members of both Local 37 and the United Farm Workers. <br /><br />Cold war fears of communism were strong in the 1960s-one reason why the contributions of Itliong and the Filipinos were obscured. The strike in Delano owes much to Cesar Chavez, Dolores Huerta, Gilbert Padilla, and other Chicano and Mexican leaders who came out of earlier community organizing movements. But the left-wing leadership of Itliong, Philip Veracruz and other rank-and-file Filipino workers was equally important. <br /><br />Chavez willingly acknowledged that the NFWA hadn't intended to strike in 1965. The decision to act was made by left-wing Filipinos, a product of their history of militant fights against growers. Their political philosophy saw the strike as the fundamental weapon to win better conditions. And it was a decision made by workers on the ground, not by leaders or strategists far away. <br /><br />Growers had pitted Mexicans and Filipinos against each other for decades. The alliance between Itliong's AWOC and the Cesar Chavez-led National Farm Workers Association (NFWA) was a popular front alliance of workers who had, in many cases, different politics. AWOC's members had their roots in the red UCAPAWA. NFWA's roots were in the Community Service Organization (CSO), which was sometimes hostile to Communists. Yet both organizations were able to find common ground and support each other during the strike, eventually forming the UFW.<p></p><p> </p><p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjTnOWOnyRfs6Ok07y9ga4EQ7qvndcSnaRcQoXjDkoFrTKbzGME95-UiXVj0zEARP0-znxJ4PnuKkJkezZxhTosjo5DjutfMSJLK_--5lNqjHvjwS-R45NipvYRMBoqJwyv439_vKRbwA-1JOzVBlsY_1imyHkI_l0U0ur4ZGowqL2w-ukuotfqeobFIR0/s916/6.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="916" data-original-width="720" height="400" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjTnOWOnyRfs6Ok07y9ga4EQ7qvndcSnaRcQoXjDkoFrTKbzGME95-UiXVj0zEARP0-znxJ4PnuKkJkezZxhTosjo5DjutfMSJLK_--5lNqjHvjwS-R45NipvYRMBoqJwyv439_vKRbwA-1JOzVBlsY_1imyHkI_l0U0ur4ZGowqL2w-ukuotfqeobFIR0/w315-h400/6.jpg" width="315" /></a></div> <br /><i>Fred Abad and Pete Velasco, Filipino veterans of the United Farm Workers and the Agricultural Workers Organizing Committee. (Photo by David Bacon, Special Collections in Stanford University's Green Library)</i><br /><br /><br />Strikers in Delano developed close friendships. Cesar Chavez's son Paul recalls the way the older Filipino men looked at him and other children of Mexican strikers as their own family. Most of the Filipinos were single men, because anti-miscegenation laws prohibited them from marrying non-Filipinas, and the immigration of women from the Philippines was limited until the late 1960s. In the wake of the grape strike, the UFW and scores of young activists from California cities built a retirement home for them in Delano, Paolo Agbayani Retirement Village, to honor their contribution. <br /><br />Philip Vera Cruz, a Filipino grape picker who became a vice-president of the UFW and later left over disagreements with Chavez, wrote during the strike's fourth year: "The Filipino decision of the great Delano Grape Strike delivered the initial spark to explode the most brilliant incendiary bomb for social and political changes in U.S. rural life." <p></p><p> </p><p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhiG5CwC1EkR_DZASyLh6RvjxM06Ae0z5qyrvnzJ7PCOOVJaE68GT8iHGFeflkVKlbopJyjmaut5_CTN3ZRMZpqf0iwwPAXUxJGySk5rVtCw4wIWz3EjsQ6MfVV5tGPMSZE1hYrmpmuINRBkb-6U-qTILoe47vDtupXUSExurUMEAOwnfl2WxL5f9oFodI/s720/7.png" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="685" data-original-width="720" height="304" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhiG5CwC1EkR_DZASyLh6RvjxM06Ae0z5qyrvnzJ7PCOOVJaE68GT8iHGFeflkVKlbopJyjmaut5_CTN3ZRMZpqf0iwwPAXUxJGySk5rVtCw4wIWz3EjsQ6MfVV5tGPMSZE1hYrmpmuINRBkb-6U-qTILoe47vDtupXUSExurUMEAOwnfl2WxL5f9oFodI/s320/7.png" width="320" /></a></div> <br /><i>Philip Vera cruz, a Filipino grape picker, was one of the initial leaders of the Delano Grape Strike. </i><br /><br /><br />Liberal mythology has hidden the true history of the grape strike's connection to some of the most radical movements in the country's labor history. The contribution of that generation of Filipino radicals, including some who went to Spain, should be honored- not just because they helped make history, but because their political and trade union ideas are as relevant to workers today as they were in 1965. Those ideas, which they kept alive through the worst years of the Cold War, led to a renaissance of farm worker organizing that is still going on. <br /><br />This article was first published in "The Volunteer," February 27, 2018: https://albavolunteer.org/2018/02/human-rights-column-from-spain-to-delano-the-radical-roots-of-farm-workers-unions/<br /><p></p>davidbaconhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/08469116035735786689noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3459520319181539184.post-47599021728418779242023-08-27T16:54:00.004-07:002023-08-27T16:54:35.573-07:00WAITING FOR REFUGE IN MEXICO CITY - Mexico City Streets<p>WAITING FOR REFUGE IN MEXICO CITY - Mexico City Streets<br />by David Bacon <br />On the Line - The Progressive - August 24, 2023<br /><a href="https://progressive.org/magazine/waiting-for-refuge-in-mexico-city-bacon-20230824/">https://progressive.org/magazine/waiting-for-refuge-in-mexico-city-bacon-20230824/</a></p><p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhnP-NkvmaHkj_3c4fT2rntXVLZcwf29vpmvVSDFlK96gzNctZtDTefcBFUm3hhPIZxN4oxggU8MU3kEV0f97JmXVmtAGLmBaDUey1IS0ZWFQ9vt9LRZwq4MeLRadNdj7r2QHvYakDTTNo-yCDburtQVM3sutrsPYihJ7gMZ-DTW1cEMKRo9C_vYlFTeJk/s720/dnb6-23mexicocity57.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhnP-NkvmaHkj_3c4fT2rntXVLZcwf29vpmvVSDFlK96gzNctZtDTefcBFUm3hhPIZxN4oxggU8MU3kEV0f97JmXVmtAGLmBaDUey1IS0ZWFQ9vt9LRZwq4MeLRadNdj7r2QHvYakDTTNo-yCDburtQVM3sutrsPYihJ7gMZ-DTW1cEMKRo9C_vYlFTeJk/s16000/dnb6-23mexicocity57.jpg" /></a></div><p></p><p><i>A Haitian refugee shows her frustration at not being able to reach her destination.</i></p><p><br />With all the attention on the detention centers on the border, U.S. media rarely if ever acknowledges that camps of migrants and displaced people exist all over Mexico. In documenting the impact of U.S. border policy on Mexico, I took these photographs in a settlement of Haitian migrants, who had been living for a month in Giordano Bruno Plaza in Colonia Juarez, in downtown Mexico City. <br /><br />Over a hundred families were heading for the border after a long journey from Haiti when they realized that they would not be able to cross, or that if they tried and were unsuccessful in getting asylum (since hardly any Haitians do) they would be deported back to Haiti. In May alone over 4000 Haitians were put on the deportation planes by the U.S. government.<br /><br />The Mexican government and the government of the city provide some minimal services to the Haitians, who were debating whether they should stay in Mexico. There is a process, albeit cumbersome, in which they can apply for permission to stay and work. <br /><br />Next to the Haitian encampment is a planton, or occupy-style protest camp, set up by Otomi indigenous people and the association "United for Farmer and Indigenous Rights." Some years before they had occupied an abandoned building and then were expelled. Refusing to leave they began living on the sidewalk outside, demanding decent housing and protesting gentrification. Their long-established camp provided the Haitians a place to wash.<br /><br />The neighborhood authorities who maintain the plaza have painted on a wall behind the migrant tents, "Amor es el vinculo de vinculos" or "Love is the bond of all bonds." It is an ironic statement, given the world's (and especially the US') hostility to migrants, but it is also a statement that the people of this neighborhood have given them the use of their neighborhood park as a place to rest. <br /><br />The statement itself comes from Giordano Bruno, a revolutionary monk of the early Renaissance, burned at the stake in Rome's Piazza de Fiori in 1600 for asserting that the earth was not the center of the universe. He is considered a hero of scientific and free thought. Bruno spent most of his life as a migrant and refugee, much like the Haitians, fleeing the Inquisition, before he was finally captured. Bruno's statement of his mystical vision refers to the chapter in the Bible, Colossians 3:14: "And above all these things, clothe yourselves with love, which is the bond of unity."<br /><br />Returning a few weeks later, I found most of the Haitians had left. According to Josias Termot, they'd gone to the border, and some had been able to cross. Others were now living in the Casa del Migrante, a refugee shelter managed by the Cuauhtemoc local government a few blocks away. Many were without work, however, and during the day returned to the plaza to hang out with a new group of migrants from Venezuela, who'd just arrived. </p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiyvloeJ-gf1QJ7sKO_mcGNLlcBdmqwB4AX_RoLke142GSqlpiO9CopdY4-bi8kUbClr4mhMkraRSC65A0BLBRkwcSrgHuk9XXP1HGR82gFhLIq9pdj6B-GnfwQ31dQmRBKjYge44-VYoETDV6BsaA_sNtzabRiK2OBlJ6T_nofmL3H5EDPQOIgqbX5gDE/s720/dnb6-23mexicocity60.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiyvloeJ-gf1QJ7sKO_mcGNLlcBdmqwB4AX_RoLke142GSqlpiO9CopdY4-bi8kUbClr4mhMkraRSC65A0BLBRkwcSrgHuk9XXP1HGR82gFhLIq9pdj6B-GnfwQ31dQmRBKjYge44-VYoETDV6BsaA_sNtzabRiK2OBlJ6T_nofmL3H5EDPQOIgqbX5gDE/s16000/dnb6-23mexicocity60.jpg" /></a></div><p><i>Gina washes clothes in a bucket.</i></p><p><i></i></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><i><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjjS1NT6xbiObVYCDOriP6e7tfj9ZIAd6ROOUH9TgbObmqOX9N5WoPlYPsmnd0kZ5ldx239tu6Gj8MyCBvaB7bAi1KEdEXSqwGEAe9x3lYIuD8q9pM-KzeDOrmnFueRscF0WX1HZlzhZPU1dHiJ5OHDIwg_1t2WifCnAA9BkUQ7G454we7NpkePR-6hTRc/s720/dnb6-23mexicocity63.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjjS1NT6xbiObVYCDOriP6e7tfj9ZIAd6ROOUH9TgbObmqOX9N5WoPlYPsmnd0kZ5ldx239tu6Gj8MyCBvaB7bAi1KEdEXSqwGEAe9x3lYIuD8q9pM-KzeDOrmnFueRscF0WX1HZlzhZPU1dHiJ5OHDIwg_1t2WifCnAA9BkUQ7G454we7NpkePR-6hTRc/s16000/dnb6-23mexicocity63.jpg" /></a></i></div><i> <br />Berlande cooks for her family.</i><p></p><p><i></i></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><i><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiQBaEk_wtM0nT_oJsoV80CbjLx6MReK_UcBOhNH2_854-jkvB0YTWDhs7tb0s7symUonHUxfpHslyCssiHbQMOL02DzSLTkxj32sIB-X4Ee6YgP6SNKohQiGgtE2DOEeuZ2udMDuFhqB55z6LNJy9xOR87LBQEyGxG_UvGsL5pnM5NdzMunwsA934QxR8/s720/dnb6-23mexicocity64.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiQBaEk_wtM0nT_oJsoV80CbjLx6MReK_UcBOhNH2_854-jkvB0YTWDhs7tb0s7symUonHUxfpHslyCssiHbQMOL02DzSLTkxj32sIB-X4Ee6YgP6SNKohQiGgtE2DOEeuZ2udMDuFhqB55z6LNJy9xOR87LBQEyGxG_UvGsL5pnM5NdzMunwsA934QxR8/s16000/dnb6-23mexicocity64.jpg" /></a></i></div><i> <br />Neika is just trying to live as normal a life as she can on the road.</i><p></p><p><i></i></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><i><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgG3gdjt23Ol_rYyvp7ssjm7iuojl_HpWes-XBb3zISHG6LYoTD-WEtyqNxneUPm1EVqIaNNz5Y9HQG9poU931qJcKSYnooIesK40bqnJYTs5_t3VVNydso56udNdJhV-IAllw4R4Gm9ELW2bDCr0etzEuBv97N1KBmHb_3YbCG7GZCOcVzppQw6K4rxFc/s720/dnb6-23mexicocity67.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgG3gdjt23Ol_rYyvp7ssjm7iuojl_HpWes-XBb3zISHG6LYoTD-WEtyqNxneUPm1EVqIaNNz5Y9HQG9poU931qJcKSYnooIesK40bqnJYTs5_t3VVNydso56udNdJhV-IAllw4R4Gm9ELW2bDCr0etzEuBv97N1KBmHb_3YbCG7GZCOcVzppQw6K4rxFc/s16000/dnb6-23mexicocity67.jpg" /></a></i></div><i> <br />Fabienne cooks for her family.</i><p></p><p><i></i></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><i><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhil4ZKnBTh1QjkoeiEglhK5qtxH3dRRqjSjfy8XU7MSyM6v5ls_w_DpH4yV3M2mtylKDjOx6iIXNkCFrcCIBveTZ4d04-t6rsC5OE14dKSYxKuuj3vfLM423ift3DV-3RxX4j8UTlRAxwTphziiWoU8n51uL7tBBjV8Pe6mKBMJgdcPmADLcfM4I7dF-w/s720/dnb6-23mexicocity69.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhil4ZKnBTh1QjkoeiEglhK5qtxH3dRRqjSjfy8XU7MSyM6v5ls_w_DpH4yV3M2mtylKDjOx6iIXNkCFrcCIBveTZ4d04-t6rsC5OE14dKSYxKuuj3vfLM423ift3DV-3RxX4j8UTlRAxwTphziiWoU8n51uL7tBBjV8Pe6mKBMJgdcPmADLcfM4I7dF-w/s16000/dnb6-23mexicocity69.jpg" /></a></i></div><i> <br />Families in the camp's tents cook their food for lunch.</i><p></p><p><i></i></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><i><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhUMrXXucKXr4sqijMTmaB_ex3jF_gzmAnZzD4KTbzT6JMwrQPHh8-pjQ36bLOZK6KByosuOjqKk6GSlopGrueCfnRHlHoh-CEz21Kb8W9K1JFSQhHGWkoj8dg-oewnLQqpRXut_Fg6WEHf02rtfOxuqeIKdi5fgCsQ9rbr_TxWlWNtkbTXhJqsRLEko6k/s720/dnb6-23mexicocity71.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhUMrXXucKXr4sqijMTmaB_ex3jF_gzmAnZzD4KTbzT6JMwrQPHh8-pjQ36bLOZK6KByosuOjqKk6GSlopGrueCfnRHlHoh-CEz21Kb8W9K1JFSQhHGWkoj8dg-oewnLQqpRXut_Fg6WEHf02rtfOxuqeIKdi5fgCsQ9rbr_TxWlWNtkbTXhJqsRLEko6k/s16000/dnb6-23mexicocity71.jpg" /></a></i></div><i> <br />"Amor es el vinculo de los vinculos"</i><p></p><p><i></i></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><i><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiOFdIvCYgMbPZCeZr-t_YXUST47wTQ2ZGgLA7bN7BLWbi9v9zUmnMtulV3RXKE-i_emVhOKZA0KfJ0sK9aJ11loQUiOQb7v1VJU2jTE2iN6C97xlROlpM7M8RjwjJ12VnZoUjGsLp0wFc-gsvbRftVdL7SDc5a5SySj9S45IdsqtAwfSWZ-vy0XGTBmE4/s720/dnb6-23mexicocity72.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiOFdIvCYgMbPZCeZr-t_YXUST47wTQ2ZGgLA7bN7BLWbi9v9zUmnMtulV3RXKE-i_emVhOKZA0KfJ0sK9aJ11loQUiOQb7v1VJU2jTE2iN6C97xlROlpM7M8RjwjJ12VnZoUjGsLp0wFc-gsvbRftVdL7SDc5a5SySj9S45IdsqtAwfSWZ-vy0XGTBmE4/s16000/dnb6-23mexicocity72.jpg" /></a></i></div><i> <br />Josias Termot is a leader of the camp community.</i><p></p><p><i></i></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><i><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEheT4uko-pPhk_wG-nfoKM0IRu1KGuZUuuF-BWudQ8fhsTIC9r_7IlCXl1SKfEa3VmNAUKkoYZlLQFBdJumR4tTaUk1fW16oXw-i2id1SP49RGilUpOf2hbbhC43cH3WnDNQq_qNfms4SHwoIwbvVTUW0AaSIJ6XooB0cY1UsJFUFhXMX-TTyW-M0qSzNM/s720/dnb6-23mexicocity73.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEheT4uko-pPhk_wG-nfoKM0IRu1KGuZUuuF-BWudQ8fhsTIC9r_7IlCXl1SKfEa3VmNAUKkoYZlLQFBdJumR4tTaUk1fW16oXw-i2id1SP49RGilUpOf2hbbhC43cH3WnDNQq_qNfms4SHwoIwbvVTUW0AaSIJ6XooB0cY1UsJFUFhXMX-TTyW-M0qSzNM/s16000/dnb6-23mexicocity73.jpg" /></a></i></div><i> <br />Katia cooks for her family.</i><p></p><p><i></i></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><i><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjD9jrklDZuogHXabJpN70Ni6evWD1bt4digiKCSdbteXYPwc4MrJpCr3MZgEKlX2HNyH4uZOCwRTQT-Y1riLr6uo1C9IUmcY761dwzPrOIXhK6VRjYhI_JvAjXug6yIBeEd98g8RdH6ssVklNuUwQrA8oRKX870pmnOVbCxoPiumQ7DJmkKobxO0myStI/s720/dnb6-23mexicocity75.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjD9jrklDZuogHXabJpN70Ni6evWD1bt4digiKCSdbteXYPwc4MrJpCr3MZgEKlX2HNyH4uZOCwRTQT-Y1riLr6uo1C9IUmcY761dwzPrOIXhK6VRjYhI_JvAjXug6yIBeEd98g8RdH6ssVklNuUwQrA8oRKX870pmnOVbCxoPiumQ7DJmkKobxO0myStI/s16000/dnb6-23mexicocity75.jpg" /></a></i></div><i> <br />Katia cooks for her family.</i><p></p><p><i></i></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><i><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgJOvq4Ba-ZFg_Pk6Q9Ou2GUw6sO4WY6U_6NWCgvJGfY9gsW8KHbRJrW-jlFrtTY3wYJ3IqI9mR7VEa_M3-1PJn8RWi3IwVIQ1YRcfjs8IU2I-fz8Bykx-vdOTJ2_ERv4TZbHmt3Sn_px460mmkHy4nlD8dEmI5u2OVURAmOZUBiHWSAR3Vv16JWWOVcfA/s720/dnb6-23mexicocity77.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgJOvq4Ba-ZFg_Pk6Q9Ou2GUw6sO4WY6U_6NWCgvJGfY9gsW8KHbRJrW-jlFrtTY3wYJ3IqI9mR7VEa_M3-1PJn8RWi3IwVIQ1YRcfjs8IU2I-fz8Bykx-vdOTJ2_ERv4TZbHmt3Sn_px460mmkHy4nlD8dEmI5u2OVURAmOZUBiHWSAR3Vv16JWWOVcfA/s16000/dnb6-23mexicocity77.jpg" /></a></i></div><i> <br />Peeling garlic.</i><p></p><p><i></i></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><i><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgk21yF4NjLgvTVmreFk7Tm6FzpF4EzEHzLu7oD27liMQ6pVselWJ2oZdrC2-e55k3n1v1lYqMEnVWB3yX7QeSI1zWRIH74kPhuZmNGN-y71ulAtR_SIi3sCiVPqndCuJB1nsGsaQlxA_nI-yMBk9l-ui-7Atci-K_JkGzlzS94CkI7I-h1gjzXtuaXbyw/s720/dnb6-23mexicocity79.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgk21yF4NjLgvTVmreFk7Tm6FzpF4EzEHzLu7oD27liMQ6pVselWJ2oZdrC2-e55k3n1v1lYqMEnVWB3yX7QeSI1zWRIH74kPhuZmNGN-y71ulAtR_SIi3sCiVPqndCuJB1nsGsaQlxA_nI-yMBk9l-ui-7Atci-K_JkGzlzS94CkI7I-h1gjzXtuaXbyw/s16000/dnb6-23mexicocity79.jpg" /></a></i></div><i> <br />Sleeping on the sidewalk.</i><p></p><p><i></i></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><i><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgTbCSyAfFi8DGk47dk7gBfK0DlGmeUs-BQck2uB8cYeRt_eIUskpX6n3nFVJLKcM_P04QNhlE6aKuqIBAhhodPNFjSNDlOMRBei0XDMhwy1Li8-1IOdFT8XWtP7frZVsBCdfAVKIWIrZ-VNoJeJBnVRvwKQPeY2yyv1cQKjiHuGZ9B-lhwgHevbS5unTQ/s720/dnb6-23mexicocity81.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgTbCSyAfFi8DGk47dk7gBfK0DlGmeUs-BQck2uB8cYeRt_eIUskpX6n3nFVJLKcM_P04QNhlE6aKuqIBAhhodPNFjSNDlOMRBei0XDMhwy1Li8-1IOdFT8XWtP7frZVsBCdfAVKIWIrZ-VNoJeJBnVRvwKQPeY2yyv1cQKjiHuGZ9B-lhwgHevbS5unTQ/s16000/dnb6-23mexicocity81.jpg" /></a></i></div><i> <br />Next to the camp of the Haitians is a protest planton of Otomi indigenous people, who offer washing and other services to the Haitians.</i><p></p><p><i></i></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><i><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgnWaAL9ZvJhFlZ6vC1rU7lPDz_51YdPrCLxnyX_OkC6MyQXsWkTtBMvWV3bc0gnZfC_jJHGd9iZPraSqDudpzkuWcZ3vyjqP6ikQNLrJ_cAHnhD5TRJthNgGWjZCejpcAylroU3Gag4PdVgqRdkBQ1zOlD6G4pOFu7HZwRW0clY5euy01p-JwkUe7OrS8/s720/dnb6-23mexicocity83.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgnWaAL9ZvJhFlZ6vC1rU7lPDz_51YdPrCLxnyX_OkC6MyQXsWkTtBMvWV3bc0gnZfC_jJHGd9iZPraSqDudpzkuWcZ3vyjqP6ikQNLrJ_cAHnhD5TRJthNgGWjZCejpcAylroU3Gag4PdVgqRdkBQ1zOlD6G4pOFu7HZwRW0clY5euy01p-JwkUe7OrS8/s16000/dnb6-23mexicocity83.jpg" /></a></i></div><i> <br />Two Haitian men ask to use the bathroom in the planton of Otomi.</i><p></p><p><i></i></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><i><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEisMUoaDCSMHrA7nQVPI2ZIpMjPNGbkF-_fpYxYX4bDEmTrSnB4o-U58MHBLqG1WTl9Nwk5_wvRacXFA80xwvvX65k959zKhjv7vST6fO6xIU3gv6DWKJDi6dcGbJRWINQ0Z3Ttsz43M_nTvnYweEOMfFrg22trMVJPdgMV5bEUeUYSVWGLjdH7n68LnLo/s720/dnb7-23mexicocity11.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEisMUoaDCSMHrA7nQVPI2ZIpMjPNGbkF-_fpYxYX4bDEmTrSnB4o-U58MHBLqG1WTl9Nwk5_wvRacXFA80xwvvX65k959zKhjv7vST6fO6xIU3gv6DWKJDi6dcGbJRWINQ0Z3Ttsz43M_nTvnYweEOMfFrg22trMVJPdgMV5bEUeUYSVWGLjdH7n68LnLo/s16000/dnb7-23mexicocity11.jpg" /></a></i></div><i> <br />Daniel Alejandro Medina says he is from Westminster and wants to go back.</i><p></p><p><i></i></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><i><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgbpNV6X6nru8vBMqI_dsmy85NxCWqh-A8E_otPLIBmDX-4Pt3Jvd6R-WYY-98b_0jxbv2Sr60KZtNEYXutWLETvVS6ezh3gJAAdHClR3RLCGzj81hkJk-0Frfgk6i4nZ_Fgw87OqEXJxYiZSLDDfF7l6nddD0ULd-mTX9jzjCz7mqdRxw9QLXKTNGsfp0/s720/dnb7-23mexicocity12.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgbpNV6X6nru8vBMqI_dsmy85NxCWqh-A8E_otPLIBmDX-4Pt3Jvd6R-WYY-98b_0jxbv2Sr60KZtNEYXutWLETvVS6ezh3gJAAdHClR3RLCGzj81hkJk-0Frfgk6i4nZ_Fgw87OqEXJxYiZSLDDfF7l6nddD0ULd-mTX9jzjCz7mqdRxw9QLXKTNGsfp0/s16000/dnb7-23mexicocity12.jpg" /></a></i></div><i> <br />Michelle Medina nurses her baby Salome Comenal, and Milagros Tovar holds a Venezuelan flag, while a group of Haitian men look on.</i><p></p><p><i></i></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><i><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhqrSeo1SeYVU6FXM3I1g2smc0B4bERqGvYSWBRy88QcjMhzjpXMo2-AQb0AmEj4QW67KkhgFugk8RZq7ASjA8_fWHJpBkPGA0UrFt-w6_N4e5-3jLn3NTXgLRav2HmdT5-gb4bxi43P2-SoCtPigdo1TlwA1QtyMLNwnOUGEwsxJOHxZe6lS0yExtXR9M/s720/dnb7-23mexicocity14.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhqrSeo1SeYVU6FXM3I1g2smc0B4bERqGvYSWBRy88QcjMhzjpXMo2-AQb0AmEj4QW67KkhgFugk8RZq7ASjA8_fWHJpBkPGA0UrFt-w6_N4e5-3jLn3NTXgLRav2HmdT5-gb4bxi43P2-SoCtPigdo1TlwA1QtyMLNwnOUGEwsxJOHxZe6lS0yExtXR9M/s16000/dnb7-23mexicocity14.jpg" /></a></i></div><i> <br />The doorway of a church provides refuge.</i><br /><p></p>davidbaconhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/08469116035735786689noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3459520319181539184.post-57782138594858912752023-08-26T19:11:00.008-07:002023-08-26T19:11:55.934-07:00ONLY A SOCIAL MOVEMENT CAN WIN REAL IMMIGRATION REFORM<p>ONLY A SOCIAL MOVEMENT CAN WIN REAL IMMIGRATION REFORM<br />By David Bacon<br />The Nation, 8/29/23</p><p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjZJ0dVKYNhCjSSEO_OTErZq8EXZAGTA6qbj9Ul_TBV_hroKxilkjEheWg8txPtewv-0GgPQArFYGyZZyZcoFEDe2rmSpUe7MCTo2BcvjsyzxhX2O9M6cS4JS0wfdXHcvFxyDUmab_6aQaKYsEHHxyoD5oXTgYWZNC7Y8RoVv0T-bt4_WfrGGQ5LpTNIuo/s720/dnb2023registrydayone002.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjZJ0dVKYNhCjSSEO_OTErZq8EXZAGTA6qbj9Ul_TBV_hroKxilkjEheWg8txPtewv-0GgPQArFYGyZZyZcoFEDe2rmSpUe7MCTo2BcvjsyzxhX2O9M6cS4JS0wfdXHcvFxyDUmab_6aQaKYsEHHxyoD5oXTgYWZNC7Y8RoVv0T-bt4_WfrGGQ5LpTNIuo/s16000/dnb2023registrydayone002.jpg" /></a></div> <br /><i>Marchers leave Petaluma on their 3-day trek to San Francisco.</i><br /><br />At the beginning of the 1990s, Sahuayo, a small city of factories and craftspeople near Michoacan's Lake Chapala, could not provide enough work to support its growing population. People had been leaving Michoacan for years, seeking jobs in the maquiladoras on the border, or in the fields of California's San Joaquin Valley. But as the North American Free Trade Agreement went into effect, the Mexican government devalued the peso, and a new wave of Sahuayenses were thrown into the migrant stream.<br /><br />One of them was Patricia Garibay. Her sister and brothers had come north, and at 16 she followed in their footsteps. But while Patricia was able to get residence status, her siblings could not. "More than half their lives have been here - over 30 years," she says. During that time they've been unable to return to Michoacan to see their family. Her sister died here in El Norte, without papers. "Like many others, our family was divided. If the law doesn't change, they'll never be able to go back." <br /><br />Garibay found domestic work in Sonoma County, and went on to care and clean for families for the next 30 years. Media stereotypes may lead some to believe that only the rich employ domestic workers. In a world of privatized healthcare, though, these mostly-women laborers, like Garibay, provide essential care for the disabled, for older women and men with no families of their own, and for many who simply can't care for themselves. <br /><br />According to Renee Saucedo, organizer of the Almas Libres domestic worker collective in Sonoma County, thousands of women doing this work in California are undocumented. Jen Myzel employs domestic workers like Garibay, and is an outspoken advocate for them in marches and demonstrations.. She believes they deserve legal status for the valuable work they do.<br /><br />Garibay and Myzel were among several hundred immigrant rights activists who gathered at the beginning of August in Petaluma's Walnut Park, in Sonoma County's wine country. After listening to a few speeches and cheering on the local troupe of Aztec dancers, they set off on a 3-day march to San Francisco's Federal Building. Their goal was to win support for a bill that could make a profound difference in the life of Garibay's family. "I'm fighting for them," she says.<br /><br />HR 1511, "Renewing Immigration Provisions of the Immigration Act of 1929," is breathtaking in its simplicity. It just changes a date: January 1, 1972. Today, anyone who entered the U.S. without a visa before that date can apply for legal permanent residence--the "green card. After five years as a legal resident, they can then apply for U.S. citizenship. This registry process is contained in Section 249 of the Immigration and Nationality Act, and the date has been changed four times - from 1921 to 1924, 1940, 1948, and finally 1972. <p></p><p> </p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhSGxDsWY2WI5G-_tT_nxKmEt-jaJvKMbMWQy2zVyFSGjHnhamnqv68XrooAn7dCUArBEyFU__XJ7QDXIqfGSY_bQsZMQECu_gZaTGYBvYeUHVzN8FcAoQyfXSmxVU8XNfJRVdER5X3NqXPa-GAXn-clq_SuiIXy4BN6rX96LqXI7PQpKnmXGp8cx6QogU/s720/dnb2023registrydayone005.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhSGxDsWY2WI5G-_tT_nxKmEt-jaJvKMbMWQy2zVyFSGjHnhamnqv68XrooAn7dCUArBEyFU__XJ7QDXIqfGSY_bQsZMQECu_gZaTGYBvYeUHVzN8FcAoQyfXSmxVU8XNfJRVdER5X3NqXPa-GAXn-clq_SuiIXy4BN6rX96LqXI7PQpKnmXGp8cx6QogU/s16000/dnb2023registrydayone005.jpg" /></a></div><br /> <i>Lucy Madrigal came from Washington State, where she is a candidate for city council in Mount Vernon, to participate in the march to San Francisco.</i><br /><br />Unfortunately, for the estimated 11 million undocumented immigrants living in U.S. communities, only a tiny handful qualify under the current registry date. That population is aging out. If someone came to the U.S. just before 1972, at the age of 20, that person would be over 70 now. From 2015 to 2019, only 305 got legal status this way. "No one really knows how many have come since that 1972 date," says Saucedo, who helped set up the Northern California Coalition for Just Immigration Reform. "Ninety percent of currently undocumented people is probably an underestimate."<br /><br />Known as the Registry Bill, HR 1511 would allow anyone in the country for seven years to apply for a green card. Instead of establishing a new fixed date, a person could set the legalization process into motion seven years after they crossed the border. <br /><br />"Seven years recognizes that by then a person has shown they're rooted in this country and community," explains Angelica Salas, executive director of the Coalition for Humane Immigration Reform in Los Angeles, which helps coordinate the national campaign for the bill. "Seven years demonstrates a commitment," she says, "the same timeframe that legitimizes a common law marriage."<br /><br />Another activist pushing for the bill, Emma Delgado, a leader of Mujeres Unidas y Activas (United and Active Women) explains, "I haven't seen my children in many years because there is currently no way for me to apply for legal residency." She called the family separation produced by current immigration law "immoral."<br /><br />The Petaluma-San Francisco march, organized by the Northern California Coalition and supported by a handful of local immigrant rights advocates, was one of a dozen around the country. People also walked from Silicon Valley to San Francisco in a similar 3-day trek. Other marches were one-day events. Some were followed by a day in which immigrant workers stayed home from their jobs. <br /><br />The cities that mounted marches - Houston, Denver, San Diego, Washington DC and six others - all have large communities of undocumented people. While the organizers' ultimate target may be Congress, their immediate purpose was mobilizing undocumented people themselves to act independently in their own interest. That makes this movement akin to the huge immigrant rights marches of 2006.<p></p><p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgzwfyLaZjpAMdWhFwa-I69EpZ95Ftgx7jDtCPlB1iFPS_jFtoKW8ltYLCaXIbCuhnbvBpNDVqBAIvVwgqoF20NJyjsPT_PDAO3Z9SmKDUwSmw15U88CPpqYsm8mgdDHinNimMLARhJfxE1077kHQ4G-2CyeTw6zUDGl0sd4zSugz9geKOLbFMzAva3DFw/s720/dnb2023registrydayone012.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgzwfyLaZjpAMdWhFwa-I69EpZ95Ftgx7jDtCPlB1iFPS_jFtoKW8ltYLCaXIbCuhnbvBpNDVqBAIvVwgqoF20NJyjsPT_PDAO3Z9SmKDUwSmw15U88CPpqYsm8mgdDHinNimMLARhJfxE1077kHQ4G-2CyeTw6zUDGl0sd4zSugz9geKOLbFMzAva3DFw/s16000/dnb2023registrydayone012.jpg" /></a></div> <br /><i>Alfredo Juarez, from Bellingham, Washington, marches with the poster announcing the march for the Registry Bill.</i><br /><br />"Our whole goal is to inform and unite our community," says Melanie Laplander, of Latinos Associated Together Informing Networking and Outreaching in Minneapolis, part of a network mounting these grassroots actions around the country. Saucedo says she underestimated the willingness of undocumented people to march for three days. "Eight million people would get status with this bill," Saucedo explains. "Of course, we want it for all 11-12 million, but it's the best we've seen in decades. It doesn't pit people against each other by covering only certain groups, and there's no exchange of legalization for E-Verify, guest worker visas or beefing up the border."<br /><br />Salas recounted a meeting of CHIRLA leaders in Los Angeles in the summer of 2021, in which she asked people to raise their hands if they would be eligible for legalization under the more limited proposals of the last several years. Each time she asked, only a fraction of the group indicated they might qualify. But when she explained the proposal to change the Registry date, and asked who would gain status if that became law, everyone in the room raised their hands.<br /><br />The marches, like the registry bill itself, mark a change in the way immigrant rights activists believe legalization can be achieved. For forty years, immigration reform proposals have followed the pattern set by the Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986 (IRCA). That bill contained a strategic compromise, intended to win over right-wing Republicans and anti-immigrant legislators of both parties. <br /><br />IRCA began the militarization of the border, leading to today's private detention centers. For the first time, the law made it illegal for an employer, like Myzel, to hire an undocumented person, like a domestic worker. For people without papers, making work illegal also made them very vulnerable to employer abuse. At the same time, IRCA reinstituted contract labor visas. Last year, growers filled over 370,000 jobs with temporary workers brought to work in U.S. fields using that system. In exchange, immigrants got a legalization that ultimately allowed 2.7 million people to normalize their status. Republican President Ronald Reagan signed the bill.<br /><br />Every major comprehensive immigration reform bill since then has embodied the same tradeoff: enforcement against the undocumented and migrants at the border, plus more guest workers, for very limited legalization. The tradeoffs sought to make reform palatable to fearful legislators. Every such bill failed. <br /><br />"Not only did we not get legalization," Saucedo charges, "but the worst parts of those bills became our reality on the ground - raids, mass deportations, detention prisons and divided families. Today we have enforcement we never even dreamed possible in the 90s. How could anyone expect to get a significant number of the undocumented to take risks to build a movement, for proposals that were causing them harm?" <p></p><p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiI-a-gvvM_dGp9RdOwG91kZtL2dqBvethIsTllCS0Ce0AzivkMI6i8azrQILruKfmt4y6SKIslfjOZT4ybcmk4fxZ7h1tMCrPrpbvqQHxFlH9AgL_Ym4okNoRd-Ty_3THT-QItDmQl-wOsHD_ysFnI3AU1Dv6KV-qQGrA46w5MooJeLK--whEbV10zQHE/s720/dnb2023registrydayone025.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiI-a-gvvM_dGp9RdOwG91kZtL2dqBvethIsTllCS0Ce0AzivkMI6i8azrQILruKfmt4y6SKIslfjOZT4ybcmk4fxZ7h1tMCrPrpbvqQHxFlH9AgL_Ym4okNoRd-Ty_3THT-QItDmQl-wOsHD_ysFnI3AU1Dv6KV-qQGrA46w5MooJeLK--whEbV10zQHE/s16000/dnb2023registrydayone025.jpg" /></a></div> <br /><i>Before the Registry Bill March starts out from Petaluma, immigrant activists hold the banner at a rally calling for passage of the legislation.</i><br /><br />At the same time, disagreement in immigrant communities has grown over proposals that would provide legalization for some people, but not others. The Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA), an executive order issued by President Obama, enabled students brought to the U.S. as children to get a provisional form of legal status. Their parents, however, remained as undocumented as ever. The failed Farm Workforce Modernization Act sought to provide legal status for farmworkers, and other bills promised it for essential workers as a reward for their dangerous labor during the pandemic.<br /><br />The compromise strategy began to fall apart when Joe Biden was elected President. He promised a broad legalization during his campaign, and progressives in Congress took him at his word. Salas worked with the Biden transition team, putting together an agenda. The key was changing the registry date, and she and her colleagues tried to get it into Biden's U.S. Citizenship Act, without success. "But it was important to show legislators a way to transform our system, and make it humane and functional, instead of concentrating on incarceration and deportation," she recalls <br /><br />They tried again with the original Build Back Better bill. "It was there, in the first iteration. If there had been a vote on it, registry change would have passed. We were so close." But the vote didn't happen. "Not only did everything fall apart, but registry was used as the excuse for not going forward - that the bill wouldn't get past the [Senate] Parliamentarian. Registry was stripped out overnight. After the devastation of that moment, we knew we had to have a bill that would deal with registry alone."<br /><br />Some proposals called for "earned legalization," derisively referred to as "parole" by many activists, in which undocumented people would face a decade-long tortuous process giving people only a provisional status, while eliminating millions of potential applicants. "We don't want temporary programs," Salas emphasizes. "We want access directly to green cards. There are more and more programs now with a quasi-legal, temporary worker status, but we have to talk about the longevity of our people's presence here. It's our country already."<br /><br />According to Salas, three Congress members drove the proposals for including registry - Zoe Lofgren (D-San Jose, CA), Norma Torres (D-Ontario, CA) and Lou Correa (D-Anaheim, CA). They introduced a registry bill in July 2022, and reintroduced it as HR 1511 this March. Today, that bill has 64 cosponsors, all Democrats. Two more joined the day after the Petaluma and San Jose marches reached the Federal Building. On July 27, 2023 California Senator Alex Padilla introduced a companion bill in the Senate, S 2606.<br /><br />"Anything you can do to convince lawmakers about the importance of this bill is helpful," Rep. Lofgren told the marchers. "I appreciate the walkers and all those who continue to fight for the rights of our immigrant community. Count on me to continue the fight in Congress!"<p></p><p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgqSKflLpE3jzB_heQ081w8YmAAf-SsGRvd88HQbToajXfR3_sQlTMRFtbHXccFkMZ6gTIyEBWAYQW3rT23FinoPn1EFtHXHA_7_SjJ2ThvDuCFOeISLGJHU1rcO85oAabtfLcKW-dWGWE_MsQYKe9oRRmK5NJ_zJn8RLHYB7mydIyCI1EiI0xekIuFOM4/s720/dnb2023registrydayone033.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgqSKflLpE3jzB_heQ081w8YmAAf-SsGRvd88HQbToajXfR3_sQlTMRFtbHXccFkMZ6gTIyEBWAYQW3rT23FinoPn1EFtHXHA_7_SjJ2ThvDuCFOeISLGJHU1rcO85oAabtfLcKW-dWGWE_MsQYKe9oRRmK5NJ_zJn8RLHYB7mydIyCI1EiI0xekIuFOM4/s16000/dnb2023registrydayone033.jpg" /></a></div> <br /><i>Members of a local Aztec dance group give the marchers a blessing before they set out.</i><br /><br />Supporting registry change makes sense in Congressman Jesus "Chuy" Garcia's Chicago district, where 41 percent of the people are non-citizens. "Nearly 300,000 of my constituents have lived and raised families in the U.S. for decades," he says. "Updating the Registry law will help restore basic safety and dignity for immigrants who have been contributing to our communities for a long time."<br /><br />In meantime, however, the undocumented especially face a growing wave of anti-immigrant legislation. SB 1718, for instance, passed by the Florida legislature and signed by Gov. De Santis in July, penalizes employers for hiring undocumented people. It invalidates out-of-state drivers licenses for immigrants while making it a felony for anyone to give a ride to a person without papers. Hospitals must ask about immigration status and detained immigrants must provide DNA samples. <br /><br />Grassroots activists like Saucedo and Laplander believe that fighting for the registry bill is a way to mobilize communities in their own defense, giving them something to fight for as well as fight against. "Politicians say they want to get rid of the 14th Amendment, and take away the citizenship of our children," Laplander says. "The laws are completely against us. Look at the barbed wire and inhumanity at the border. We have to inform our people of the danger we're in, to unite and protect each other."<br /><br />For Saucedo, only a grassroots movement that starts in undocumented communities will be able to defeat these attacks, and at the same time force consideration of real reform, like the Registry bill. "It has to involve public actions, three-day walks every month, civil disobedience - that level of activity," she says, "to make the country feel uncomfortable. Undocumented people have to share how their lives are impacted, that no one should be separated from children or elderly parents. We've learned from the labor and African American civil rights movements that it takes great urgency and resistance and sacrifice to make mainstream decision-makers shift."<br /><br />Salas, with a long history of working inside Washington's halls of power, challenges the idea that a Republican majority in the House and weak support from many Democrats dooms the Registry Bill. "The more people who are involved, the better chance we have," she urges. "Think of all the millions of U.S. citizens who have immigrant parents, and how many have had their fathers or mothers deported. All over the country, immigrant workers are a big part of the workforce. They're all part of a base that can force change. So, we can't depend on political winds or what people tell us is possible. We have to be tenacious for what's just and righteous." <p></p><p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh7tvHCYFCjUITxYFko0jmXJYdXUVAo8AodAlZEGDns6b29Ksx6g45oZDiGxRKbj5M-N06wQlzRn5KJuHTwdlSSZcDx26D6N6Xg3Yjagap5kljknU2VxWVx450p6prH7cX5AfIueKhXywvN2afc7tC83i4UzFRu824P_YrigIZXKb0bZImEuVDKEFJV7VA/s720/dnb2023registrydaythree014.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh7tvHCYFCjUITxYFko0jmXJYdXUVAo8AodAlZEGDns6b29Ksx6g45oZDiGxRKbj5M-N06wQlzRn5KJuHTwdlSSZcDx26D6N6Xg3Yjagap5kljknU2VxWVx450p6prH7cX5AfIueKhXywvN2afc7tC83i4UzFRu824P_YrigIZXKb0bZImEuVDKEFJV7VA/s16000/dnb2023registrydaythree014.jpg" /></a></div><br /><i>Renee Saucedo speaks at a rally at the San Francisco Federal Building at the end of the march.</i><br /><p></p>davidbaconhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/08469116035735786689noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3459520319181539184.post-10665365682166070562023-08-13T15:22:00.000-07:002023-08-13T15:22:10.344-07:00A JOURNEY THROUGH IMAGES / UN VIAJE A TRAVES DE LAS IMAGENES<p> Español abajo.<br /><br />A JOURNEY THROUGH IMAGES<br />By Alberto del Castillo Troncoso<br />Afterword to the book, More Than a Wall/Mas que un muro, by David Bacon<br />Ojarasca, supplement to La Jornada, Mexico CIty, August 2023<br /><a href="https://issuu.com/lajornadaonline/docs/ojarasca_316">https://issuu.com/lajornadaonline/docs/ojarasca_316</a></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgHh296MSyhlkfmwMwxQsE8FSgBUXKRqYwjzL3TgntqbyuBZTvdwerOhhJZgQbubr1hx5NyMgs3OhTK-Zq0A-LMlOF5Ga4aCvHnrlx5JMaQHWyWyPOKF-d7FeiBX6-HEcP4x9CPLlSubU8qWoSW15-3KfoRTf-gQTEn30BlEZO8e-c__9PS2iAtMB4Pb9M/s720/083.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgHh296MSyhlkfmwMwxQsE8FSgBUXKRqYwjzL3TgntqbyuBZTvdwerOhhJZgQbubr1hx5NyMgs3OhTK-Zq0A-LMlOF5Ga4aCvHnrlx5JMaQHWyWyPOKF-d7FeiBX6-HEcP4x9CPLlSubU8qWoSW15-3KfoRTf-gQTEn30BlEZO8e-c__9PS2iAtMB4Pb9M/s16000/083.jpg" /></a></div> <br /><i>Richmond, California - 2018<br />Lourdes Barraza and one of her daughters, outside the West County Detention Center where her husband Fernando was being held for deportation.<br />Lourdes Barraza y una de sus hijas, afuera del Centro de Detención del Condado Oeste, en donde su esposo Fernando estaba detenido para ser deportado.</i><br /><br /><br />Documentary photography occupies a very important place in the history of photography. Toward the end of the 19th century, Jacob Riis (How the Other Half Lives) showed the terrible living conditions of immigrants and at the beginning of the 20th century Lewis Hine depicted child exploitation in the United States-presumably the land of progress and prosperity. Documentary photographers have long been aware of the enormous contribution the language of images can make when placed in the public eye. <br /><br />David Bacon has worked with images as vehicles for consciousness in his effort to show the working conditions and exploitation of immigrants and other groups in the United States and Mexico since the mid-1980s. This determination is part of his activism and work in defense of labor rights on both sides of the border. Through the solidarity he has created with workers and migrants, he has been able to build the empathy necessary to carry out his work, which is unique for the respect and closeness he achieves with these groups, his affirmation of their political struggles and personal identities, and his going beyond the merely descriptive record of their lives to produce images and essays of a great aesthetic and documentary richness.<br /><br />This book illustrates how Bacon, in his portrayal of the border over more than 3 decades, incorporates not just the physical presence of migrants but also their voices. Indeed, this intimate dialogue between photography and oral history is one of the most significant elements of his work, giving him a personal signature that distinguishes him from others. He is an artist committed to political activism who creates a harmonious relationship between the images and the texts he writes, which have sometimes been published as pieces of photojournalism, but which also culminated in photographic books and exhibitions.<br /><br />The 413 images published in this book, made between 1985 and 2018, are the result of an intense process of review and editing by the author from a universe of almost 20,000 images. The photographs chosen are intertwined with a visual narrative that leaves no room for anonymity as it chronicles a succession of real conditions in people's lives, turning them into active subjects who defy oppression and are not merely passive victims of circumstances and repression. The photos focus on human beings, with first and last names, who generally are invisibilized by the powerful and the media but who in these pages reclaim their voice and intimacy as their unique and distinctive features are put on display.<br /><br />This book shows the influence of classic documentary photographers such as Walker Evans, Dorothea Lange, and Eugene Smith, who chronicled the poverty of segments of the American population in the 1930s, 1940s, and 1950s. Collectively they created one of the most influential portrait galleries in the history of documentary photography. Other recognizable influences are the work of the German American couple Hansel Mieth and Otto Hagel from the 1930s into the 1960s, as well as more contemporary photographers such as Milton Rogovin, who documented several working-class communities in New York state, and Don Bartletti and his important photojournalistic record of the border. Bacon's work also has echoes and resonances from the work of great Mexican documentary photographers such as Tina Modotti, Elsa Medina, Eniac Martínez, Marco Antonio Cruz, Antonio Turok, and Pedro Valtierra, perceptive professionals who over the decades have captured both the identity and the concrete circumstances surrounding the lives and deaths of migrants and their families, as well as other social movements.<br /><br />Bacon's images, like those of these photographers, are not limited to being social commentary. His photos use framing and composition to create a distinctive aesthetic, sometimes achieved with telephoto shots and others with a wide-angle lens. "I am a man of extremes," says Bacon with irony in an interview with the author of this epilogue, showing a personal interpretation of reality that identifies him as a creator with a particular vision of the world building his own universe.<br /><br />This aesthetic is the result of moving beyond the idea of a photo archive to other approaches, such as exhibitions and the publication of photo books, which involve patient editing and a selection of themes for each specific project. This allows us to put aside the photographs considered the result of "circumstance"-a product of the Bressonian "decisive moment"-and instead investigate and explore the world of processes and examine the thinking that drives the creator's work, to try to understand his aim and intent.<br /><br />In this particular journey, the photographer looks at both sides of the border and collects the life stories of immigrants as well as their community and work experiences, crossed as they are by important struggles of resistance we learn about throughout the book. One such case is that of Gervasio Peña, from the town of Santiago Naranjas in the Oaxacan Mixteca, who crossed the border in 1986 when he was 18 years old only to discover that in the California towns of Graton and Forestville the care and preservation of fruit were valued more than the workers' own lives. Or the story of Maria Pozar, a Purépecha immigrant who lives with her daughters Jacqueline and Leslie in North Shore along the Salton Sea. The family hugs and smiles despite the constant dust storms intermixed with fertilizers and pollution that provoke constant nosebleeds and other bodily ailments.<br /><br />The visual narrative of this book gives context to these stories and many others. Still, it does much more than simply illustrate them as it creates its own environment and constructs a variety of social imaginaries that allow other interpretations of the border and migration.<br /><br />Such is the case of the series of photographs dedicated to the wall, which show the imposing metal security fence cutting the frames horizontally, achieving a sensation of movement through the interplay of contrast, light, and shadows, being crossed above or below ground by migrants, or flowing into the Pacific Ocean, near Tijuana, and serving as backdrop for all sorts of interventions and appropriations of high symbolic content. Some of the images depict the crosses and floral offerings installed in homage to and remembrance of the dead, as seen in the portrait of Ramsés Barrón-Torres, a young man of 17 killed by the Border Patrol in Mexican territory, near Nogales, Sonora; other photos show the number sequences used by US agents to control and identify the sections and areas where people will try to cross; and then there are the evocative signs and graffiti that ironically allude to the so-called American dream and allow us to rethink its meaning with disturbing phrases such as "This is where dreams turn into nightmares."<br /><br />An important theme is that of deportees and their families. These are the portraits of people who have been expelled from the United States and who are photographed on the Mexican side of the border, in their new life circumstances, living in modest encampments, hotels, and shelters, if not wandering the streets of cities in northern Mexico, facing, day after day, the precariousness of their surroundings, including great vulnerability to poverty and violence.<br /><br />Tragedy is seen through individual narratives, with subjects identified by their full names. Because of how people's faces and body language are captured as well as the outstanding quality of the photos, some of these images-such as the portrait of Lourdes Barraza and her daughter and those of Mario and Liliana, all at the detention center in Richmond, California-can almost be seen as studio portraits, designed and taken with a rigorous control over light, speed, and exposure. However, they actually were produced as events were taking place in detention centers, thus demonstrating the mastery acquired by the author over decades and his ability to create the emotional ties and empathy to create images with remarkable human depth and aesthetic content. These images could be hung on the walls of any museum, but in this case are a form of expression of photography at the service of a political cause.<br /><br />This is no minor point. As noted above, these elements help create the conditions for photographic works that show a deep sense of respect that is reflected in the high quality of the resulting images. Like Nacho López and Mariana Yampolsky, Bacon is able to overcome stereotypes, in this case those that surround migration, and brings us closer to the true human face of migrants.<br /><br />The photographer says these types of images are intended to document not only the real struggles of people, but to be used in other places and contexts to inspire others in organizing their own efforts to confront and try to halt this competitive, unequal, and inhumane system in a spirit of solidarity.<br /><br />The series of close-ups of migrants' faces and hands on both sides of the border deserves special attention. Some of these photographs were captured through the holes and interstices of the same wall that separates the two countries, harnessing the contrast between the interlaced bars of the fence and the faces and gestures of people and families. Such was the case of Catalina Céspedes, who made a long journey from Santa Monica, Cohetzala, in the state of Puebla, to Tijuana just to be able touch the body of her daughter Florita, as was that of Adriana Arzola, who brought her new baby, Nayeli, so her family on the American side could meet and hug her for the first time. <br /><br />And simply showing the cracked hands of workers demonstrates the many years of exploitation they have undergone, but also their struggle and dignity. Such was the case of the inhabitants of the Desierto del Diablo in Sonora; of María Martínez and Alfredo Murrieta, the latter a descendant of the legendary bandit Joaquín Murrieta, who tried to oppose the dispossession of California by the U.S. invaders in 1848; and the images of Clifford Brumley in the Imperial Valley, showing the loss of parts of two fingers and a thumb to frostbite one winter. The absence of faces and the close-up framing of hands renew the traditional canons of portraiture, very much in the style of the 1930s avant-garde, creating documentary photographs that occupy an important place in the history of the medium. <br /><br />These photos-which are emotionally and politically charged-all showcase the testimonial nature of important moments in a powerful micro-history that otherwise would not have the same kind of impact in the public square. <br /><br />Such images showcase political situations with significant symbolic power, thus revealing the nature of migration in recent history as a space of interchange involving political struggle. Examples of this include the homage paid in Tijuana to the 43 students who disappeared from the Ayotzinapa Normal School in Guerrero; the demonstration in the city of Matamoros, Tamaulipas, in solidarity with the Popular Assembly of the Peoples of Oaxaca in 2006; the solidarity demonstrations in a small community of Tamaulipas in support of the Zapatista National Liberation Army; and the images of protests in Gómez Palacio, Durango, in support of the struggle of mothers and relatives of the disappeared women of Ciudad Juárez. <br /><br />A key part of this photographer's quest is achieved by setting his activist's gaze to explore and question the multiple realities of Mexico. Again, these are not the kinds of snapshots you get in passing, but rather thought-out narratives telling stories that would be unimaginable without the context of the author's political work, where he has fostered prior contacts with people to gain their trust and confidence. Such is the case of Francisco Ortiz's family, whom we meet during various visits with his children, and his grandmother Isabel-the matriarch of the family-in an extraordinary portrait that captures her powerful face, lined with wrinkles and fixed with a look of sadness that confronts us all. Then there is Francisco himself, who poses with one of his children inside the tiny room that makes up his home, both sitting on their beds, staring at the photographer, next to the stove and the rest of the run-down furniture. There also is the photo essay on the strike by workers of the Han Young maquiladora, who are seen from various angles fighting to organize an independent union, and the grim portraits of the so-called "special forces," repressive groups that provide illegal protection to the authorities to break the strike with absolute impunity.<br /><br />A thought-provoking image distills this story. Miguel Ángel Solórzano, one of the young strikers, stands extending his thin arms and hands forward as if they were pincers of a broken machine. The caption informs us that he suffered several fractures in his right arm in a workplace accident and that he was nevertheless forced to return to work well before he should have. The traditional conventions of the genre of this kind of photo are transformed by the power and aim of this masterful portrait, turning it into what Didi Huberman calls a "confronting" image-that is, a photograph that troubles and challenges us.<br /><br />One of the greatest accomplishments of this book is its reinvigoration of the photography of indigenous people. Such photography, especially in the Mexican case, has often victimized indigenous groups and objectified them as passive subjects incapable of changing their conditions. Bacon's vision is exemplified by the case of María Ortiz's family, Triqui migrants from the Mixteca Oaxaqueña, who confront injustices in the San Quintín Valley in Baja California and organize a strike using spaces such as that provided by the Binational Front of Indigenous Organizations (Frente Indígena de Organizaciones Binacionales). Bacon's lens follows them in solidarity on the streets, in the fields, and at the negotiation tables. He also accompanies them inside their homes and gives us details of their daily lives. The most important sign of this intimacy is found in a poetic image in which, next to a frying pan and spoons that hang from a modest wooden wall, you can see some of the love poems family members have written by hand. One of them tenderly says, "Where do you come from? From heaven. And who are you looking for? For my sorrows. And what do you bring? I bring solace. And what is your name? Love."<br /><br />Thus, politics and daily life are seen in a harmonious manner in the set of images making up this part of the photographic essay, showing Triqui men and women fighting for their dignity, disregarding the stereotypes that conventional photography of indigenous people has used to objectify them for at least a century and a half.<br /><br />One more genre reshaped by the author's lens is the landscape portrait, particularly in the case of the Salton Sea, whose waters continue to recede. The lake, fed by agricultural runoff, has high salinity and is polluted with fertilizers and other chemicals. This means that a beach that once housed trees and welcomed birds from elsewhere has turned into a desert of hard, cracked sand. Bacon's raw images of this place, with close-ups of dead fish that look like fossils trapped in the ground, ironically seem to question the conventional rules of landscape portraiture and show the viewer a milieu where places are devastated by the pollution caused by the same unjust and inequitable system that causes thousands of human beings to live in misery. True to his book's goals to focus on the portrayal of human beings, the photographer presents a series of images of various people who inhabit the area and who have had to deal with the effects of this pollution. These images, rather than just depicting people suffering the effects of this disaster, instead show humans who are battling, and who are living life and enjoying their family ties and affections, as they confront an aggressive and daunting environment.<br /><br />As Bacon himself points out in this book, the uniqueness of these images is what enables their universality. Migrants' and workers' particular approach to the resistance struggle and dignity under very specific circumstances allows us to interpret these images differently and recognize them as part a global puzzle that includes other conflictive places, from the migration of people in Libya and Honduras to the increasingly dangerous journey to cross from Africa to Europe through the border of death that the Mediterranean Sea has become.<br /><br />This overview has suggested possible interpretations of a complex photographic undertaking, one encompassing the decades of experience of an artist with a clear professional and political commitment who has employed a diversity of angles and approaches, ranging from portraiture to landscapes, using various genres and themes that, above all, forcefully document the enormous transformative power of images.<br /><br /><br /><br />UN VIAJE A TRAVES DE LAS IMAGENES<br />Por Alberto del Castillo Troncoso<br />Epilogo al libro, More Than a Wall/Mas que un muro<br />Ojarasca, suplemento a La Jornada, Ciudad de Mexico, Agosto de 2023<br /><a href="https://issuu.com/lajornadaonline/docs/ojarasca_316">https://issuu.com/lajornadaonline/docs/ojarasca_316</a><p></p><p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjzGFK4oWYFKAOVZyH2qc8bGBMT53lF90saA2yKLhNRoqLkptPWfA6QUupaHDDYdKzwSFRuvQoVWshDxZtDBMXT5_e2SQsfOW_Nuaqh_3fXFPXPEiUqsKpmuP_KvZ-DP0iIcluUpmbmcA2iHl2Gd79Wrf1KTVWAAWVIvK_E_mjIqYQkqrUa3u8hxqvQa3Y/s720/078.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjzGFK4oWYFKAOVZyH2qc8bGBMT53lF90saA2yKLhNRoqLkptPWfA6QUupaHDDYdKzwSFRuvQoVWshDxZtDBMXT5_e2SQsfOW_Nuaqh_3fXFPXPEiUqsKpmuP_KvZ-DP0iIcluUpmbmcA2iHl2Gd79Wrf1KTVWAAWVIvK_E_mjIqYQkqrUa3u8hxqvQa3Y/s16000/078.jpg" /></a></div> <br /><i>Tijuana, Baja California - 2017<br />Catalina Céspedes, quien vino desde Santa Mónica, Cohetzala en Puebla, para encontrarse con sus familiares del otro lado del muro, mete su dedo por un agujero en la cerca para poder tocar a su hija Florita Gálvez, en el otro lado.<br />Catalina Cespedes, who came from Santa Monica, Cohetzala in Puebla to meet her family members on the other side of the wall, puts her finger through a hole in the fence so that she can touch her daughter Florita Galvez, on the other side. </i><br /><br /><br />La fotografía documental ocupa uno de los lugares más relevantes en la historia de la fotografía. Desde sus inicios, a finales del siglo XIX, con trabajos como los de Lewis Hine sobre las condiciones de explotación infantil, o el de Jacob Riis, que se atrevió a averiguar cómo vivía la otra mitad de los migrantes que habían arribado a Estados Unidos, la supuesta tierra del progreso y la prosperidad, los profesionales de la lente han sido conscientes de la enorme aportación que puede tener el lenguaje de las imágenes cuando se colocan en el espacio público.<br /><br />David Bacon ha abordado las imágenes como vehículos de la conciencia en su labor de mostrar las condiciones de trabajo y la explotación de los migrantes y otros grupos en Estados Unidos y en México desde mediados de la década de 1980. Este trabajo ha formado parte de su activismo y de su tarea en defensa de los derechos de los trabajadores en ambos lados de la frontera. La solidaridad con trabajadores y migrantes le ha permitido construir las condiciones de empatía para la realización de su quehacer, el cual se caracteriza por el respeto y la cercanía con estos grupos, la reivindicación de sus luchas políticas, pero también de sus identidades personales y la voluntad de ir más allá del registro meramente descriptivo de sus vidas para elaborar imágenes y ensayos con una gran riqueza estética y documental.<br /><br />En esta nueva obra y desde el mismo título, Bacon asume que su labor de retratar la frontera durante 30 años incorpora no sólo la presencia, sino también la voz de los migrantes. En efecto, este diálogo estrecho entre la fotografía y la historia oral representa uno de los elementos más relevantes de su obra, que lo distingue de otros colegas y le proporciona un sello específico, esto es, la impronta de un autor dedicado al activismo político y que desde ahí desarrolla una relación armoniosa entre las imágenes y los textos escritos por él mismo, que a veces han sido publicados como piezas del fotoperiodismo, pero que también culminan en libros fotográficos y diferentes tipos de exposiciones.<br /><br />Las 413 imágenes publicadas en este libro, realizadas entre 1985 y 2018, son el resultado de un intenso proceso de revisión y edición por parte del autor sobre un universo de cerca de 20 000 imágenes. Las fotos elegidas se entrelazan para formar parte de un relato visual en el que no hay lugar para el anonimato, pues en esta crónica se subraya una serie de condiciones concretas de la vida de las personas, lo que las convierte en sujetos activos que desafían la opresión, y no en meras víctimas pasivas de las circunstancias y la represión. Se trata de la emergencia de seres humanos con nombre y apellido, los cuales, por lo general, son invisibilizados por el poder y los medios, pero que en esta publicación recuperan su voz e intimidad y una fisonomía original, única e irrepetible.<br /><br />Esta obra tiene diversos antecedentes tan destacados como el trabajo de algunos profesionales de la lente, como las referencias ya clásicas de Walker Evans, Dorothea Lange y Eugene Smith, que documentaron las condiciones de pobreza de un sector de la población en la década de 1930 en Estados Unidos y construyeron una de las galerías de retratos más influyentes de la historia de la fotografía documental. Así mismo, otros referentes identificables son el de la pareja germano-estadounidense compuesta por Hansel Mieth y Otto Hagel, entre los años 30 y 50, al igual que autores más recientes como Milton Rogovin, que documentó a algunas comunidades de trabajadores en Nueva York, y Don Bartletti y su importante registro fotoperiodístico de la frontera. De igual forma, el trabajo de Bacon encuentra también ecos y resonancias en la obra de grandes fotógrafos documentalistas mexicanos como Tina Modotti, Elsa Medina, Eniac Martínez, Marco Antonio Cruz, Antonio Turok y Pedro Valtierra, profesionales atentos a plasmar en las décadas recientes tanto la identidad como las circunstancias concretas que rodean la vida y la muerte de los migrantes y sus familias, así como de otros movimientos sociales.<br /><br />Al igual que las de estos fotógrafos, las imágenes de Bacon no se reducen al campo de la denuncia, sino que incorporan encuadres y composiciones desde una estética singular, logradas a veces con telefotos y otras con la lente de gran angular -"soy un hombre de extremos", ironiza Bacon, al respecto, en una entrevista con el autor de este epílogo-, con una lectura de la realidad que los identifica como autores, con una particular visión del mundo y una construcción de un universo propio.<br /><br />Tal proceso es el resultado del tránsito de un archivo fotográfico a otro tipo de propuestas, como las exposiciones y los libros fotográficos, que ameritan una paciente labor de edición y de selección de temas en función de cada investigación concreta. Esta labor de selección nos permite olvidarnos de las fotos consideradas como afortunadas, resultado de los llamados "instantes decisivos" bressonianos, para indagar y explorar en cambio el mundo de los procesos e interrogar la lógica de trabajo del autor para tratar de comprender sus metas y objetivos.<br /><br />En este peculiar viaje que nos propone el fotógrafo, la mirada abarca ambos lados de la frontera, y recoge tanto historias de vida de los migrantes como sus experiencias comunitarias y de trabajo, a las cuales atraviesan luchas de resistencia tan relevantes como las que aluden a diversos personajes, cuyas historias se van conociendo en el libro. Tal es el caso de Gervasio Peña, del poblado de Santiago Naranjas, en la Mixteca oaxaqueña, quien cruzó la frontera en 1986, cuando contaba con 18 años y descubrió que, en sus lugares de trabajo, los poblados de Graton y Forestville, el cuidado y la preservación de la fruta tenía más valor que la propia vida de los trabajadores. O María Pozar, una inmigrante purépecha que vive con sus hijas, Jacqueline y Leslie, en la zona de North Shore, las cuales se abrazan y sonríen a pesar de las constantes tormentas de polvo provocado por los fertilizantes y la contaminación, que les producen sangrados constantes en la nariz y otras dolencias corporales.<br /><br />El relato visual de esta publicación contextualiza estas historias y muchas otras más, pero no se limita a ilustrarlas, sino que, por el contrario, crea sus propias coordenadas y construye una serie de imaginarios particulares que permiten otras lecturas de la frontera y la migración.<br /><br />Tal es el caso de la serie de fotografías dedicada al muro, que muestra la imponente valla metálica de seguridad que atraviesa horizontalmente los encuadres de las imágenes y les aporta cierto movimiento, con sus juegos de contrastes y de luces y sombras, cruzada por arriba o por debajo de la tierra por los migrantes, o desembocando en pleno Océano Pacífico, a la altura de Tijuana, o bien sirviendo de telón de fondo para todo tipo de intervenciones y apropiaciones, en registros que presentan un alto contenido simbólico. En algunos casos se trata de las cruces y ofrendas florales instaladas en homenaje y recuerdo de los muertos, como en el ejemplo del retrato de Ramsés Barrón-Torres, un joven de 17 años asesinado por la Patrulla Fronteriza en territorio mexicano, a la altura de Nogales, Sonora; o la secuencia de números implementada por la propia gendarmería estadounidense en su estrategia de control para delimitar las secciones y las zonas por donde las personas realizarán el intento de cruzar; o los conmovedores letreros y grafitis que aluden de manera irónica al llamado sueño americano y permiten repensar el sentido del mismo con frases demoledoras como: "Aquí es donde los sueños se convierten en pesadillas".<br /><br />Otro tema importante tiene que ver con el tema de los deportados y sus familias. Se trata de los retratos de personas que han sido expulsadas de Estados Unidos y que son captadas en el lado mexicano de la frontera, en sus nuevos escenarios de vida, alrededor de modestos campamentos, hoteles y refugios en los mejores casos, cuando no en medio de las calles y avenidas de las ciudades del norte de México, enfrentando cotidianamente las precarias condiciones del entorno, en una situación de extrema vulnerabilidad ante la pobreza y la violencia.<br /><br />De nueva cuenta, la tragedia asume historias específicas y los sujetos son presentados con sus nombres y apellidos. Algunas de estas imágenes, como la de Lourdes Barraza y su hija, o las de Mario y Liliana, con sus acercamientos a la gestualidad concreta de los rostros podrían parecer, por la notable calidad de los registros, los cuidadosos retratos de un estudio fotográfico, pensados con base en una serie de condiciones rigurosas en el manejo de la luz y una planeación estricta de los tiempos y las exposiciones. Sin embargo, en realidad se trata de retratos obtenidos al calor de los mismos acontecimientos en los propios centros de detención, lo que da una idea de la pericia lograda por el autor a lo largo de tres décadas y su capacidad para construir lazos afectivos y condiciones de empatía para lograr imágenes con un alto contenido humano y estético. Estas imágenes podrían estar colgadas en las paredes de cualquier museo, pero en realidad forman parte de la expresión de una fotografía al servicio de una causa política.<br /><br />No se trata de un dato menor. Al contrario, como ya hemos señalado, estos factores proporcionan las condiciones para el ejercicio y la práctica fotográfica con un sentido de respeto que repercute en la calidad del resultado final de las imágenes. Como Nacho López o Mariana Yampolsky, David Bacon supera de esta manera la versión del estereotipo que envuelve el tema de los migrantes para acercarnos al rostro humano de estos personajes.<br /><br />Este tipo de imágenes, de acuerdo a la perspectiva del propio autor, no sólo retrata la lucha concreta de estas personas, sino que aspira a ser utilizada en otros lugares y contextos para inspirar a la gente en la organización de sus propios esfuerzos, para enfrentar y tratar de detener de manera solidaria un sistema competitivo tan desigual e inhumano.<br /><br />Mención aparte merece la serie de imágenes que muestra el acercamiento a rostros y manos de migrantes en ambos lados de la frontera. A veces lo hace a través de los huecos y los intersticios del propio muro que separa a ambos países. Así, algunas fotografías apuestan al contraste de las rejas cuadriculadas de la propia valla con los rostros y miradas de familias, como la de Catalina Céspedes, quien hizo un largo viaje desde Santa Mónica, Cohetzala, en el estado de Puebla, para llegar a la ciudad de Tijuana y poder tocar el cuerpo de su hija Florita; o la de Adriana Arzola, quien trajo a su nueva bebita Nayeli, para que el resto de su familia en el lado estadounidense pudiera verla y abrazarla por primera vez. En otras ocasiones simplemente mostrando las manos agrietadas de trabajadores que exhiben así las huellas de muchos años de explotación, pero también de lucha y dignidad, como los casos de los habitantes del Desierto del Diablo, en Sonora; o de María Martínez y Alfredo Murrieta, un descendiente del legendario bandolero Joaquín Murrieta, quien intentó oponerse al despojo de California por parte de los invasores estadounidenses en 1848; o las de Clifford Brumley, en el valle Imperial, que muestra la pérdida de algunos de sus dedos por el frío que ha tenido que soportar a la intemperie. Aquí la ausencia del rostro y la exposición de las manos en primer plano renuevan de nueva cuenta los cánones tradicionales del retrato, muy al estilo de las vanguardias de los años 30, en fotografías documentales que ocupan un lugar importante en la historia de la fotografía.<br /><br />En todas ellas resalta el poder testimonial para dar cuenta de los momentos importantes de una contundente microhistoria que, de otra manera, no tendría este tipo de repercusiones en el espacio público, con toda su carga emocional y política.<br /><br />Las imágenes favorecen una serie de contactos políticos con una carga simbólica importante, que muestra el carácter de la migración como un espacio de intercambio de luchas políticas en la historia reciente. Por ejemplo, el homenaje realizado en Tijuana, Baja California, con motivo de la desaparición de los 43 estudiantes de la Escuela Normal de Ayotzinapa, en Guerrero; o la marcha de protesta en la ciudad de Matamoros, Tamaulipas, en solidaridad con el movimiento de la Asamblea Popular de los Pueblos de Oaxaca (APPO), en Oaxaca en 2006; o bien, las muestras de solidaridad en una modesta comunidad de Tamaulipas a favor del Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional (EZLN); o las imágenes de protesta en Gómez Palacio, Durango, en apoyo a la lucha de las madres y los familiares de las mujeres desaparecidas de Ciudad Juárez a finales del siglo XX y principios del XXI.<br /><br />Una parte importante de las búsquedas del fotógrafo se detienen, con el rigor de la mirada militante que explora e interroga distintas realidades, en el territorio mexicano. Una vez más, no se trata de imágenes fortuitas obtenidas al paso, sino de relatos pensados que cuentan historias y que resultarían impensables sin el contexto del trabajo político del autor que ha facilitado los contactos previos con las personas para ganar su confianza y su empatía. Tal es el caso de la familia de Francisco Ortiz, a la cual podemos acercarnos en distintas vistas a sus hijos, a su abuela Isabel -la matriarca de la familia, en un extraordinario retrato que atrapa la gestualidad de un potente rostro surcado por las arrugas y detenido en una mirada de tristeza que nos interpela a todos- y al propio Francisco, que posa en el interior del diminuto cuarto que conforma su vivienda con otro de sus hijos, ambos sentados en sus camas, con la mirada fija en el fotógrafo, junto a la estufa y al resto de su precario mobiliario; o el ensayo fotográfico en torno a la huelga de los trabajadores en la maquiladora Han Young, que en diferentes vistas enfrentan en su lucha por construir un sindicato independiente y los crudos retratos de las llamadas "fuerzas especiales", grupos represores que brindan protección a las autoridades de manera ilegal para romper la huelga con total impunidad.<br /><br />Un sugerente acercamiento condensa este relato. Se trata de Miguel Ángel Solórzano, uno de los jóvenes huelguistas, que posa de pie en un medio plano, extendiendo al frente sus delgados brazos y sus manos como pinzas de una máquina que se ha quebrado. El pie de esta imagen nos informa que el trabajador sufrió varias fracturas en su brazo derecho y que fue obligado a regresar a sus labores en esas condiciones. Ahí nuevamente el género convencional de este tipo de fotografía y las condiciones tradicionales que la rodean se trastocan en la fuerza y la intención de este magistral retrato y lo convierten en lo que Didi Huberman denomina como una imagen ardiente, esto es, aquella fotografía que nos incomoda como lectores y que nos interpela en el contexto de este trabajo.<br /><br />Una de las modalidades más relevantes que conforman este libro es su renovación de la fotografía indigenista, que, sobre todo en el caso mexicano, se ha encargado de victimizar a estos grupos y cosificarlos como entes pasivos, incapaces de enfrentar la realidad. Por el contrario, en la visión de Bacon, este sector ejemplificado en el caso de la familia de María Ortiz, integrantes de los triquis migrantes de la Mixteca oaxaqueña, que se enfrenta a un mundo injusto en el valle de San Quintín, en Baja California, y se organizan para la huelga en espacios tan activos como el Frente Indígena de Organizaciones Binacionales. La lente de Bacon los sigue solidaria en las calles, en el campo y en las mesas de negociación. También los acompaña en el interior de sus viviendas y nos aporta detalles de su vida cotidiana. El hallazgo más importante de su intimidad está representado por aquella imagen poética en la que, junto a la sartén y las cucharas que penden de los sencillos tablones de madera, se alcanzan a apreciar algunos de los poemas de amor escritos y anotados de puño y letra por los integrantes de la familia. Uno de ellos expresa de manera conmovedora su mensaje: "¿De dónde vienes? Del cielo. ¿Y a quién estás buscando? Mis penas. ¿Y qué es lo que traes? Traigo consuelo. ¿Y cuál es tu nombre? Amor".<br /><br />Así pues, la política y la vida cotidiana se expresan de manera armoniosa en el conjunto de imágenes que integran esta parte del ensayo fotográfico, en el que los y las triquis luchan por su dignidad, superando cualquier tipo de estereotipo en el que los ha encajonado la fotografía indigenista convencional por un espacio de por lo menos un siglo y medio.<br /><br />Otro de los géneros trastocados por la lente del autor es el que se refiere al paisaje, particularmente en el caso de Salton Sea, un lugar donde el mar ha retrocedido de nivel entre otras cosas a causa del uso de fertilizantes y la contaminación, por lo que la playa que antes albergaba árboles que recibían aves de otros lugares hoy ha quedado convertida en un desierto de arena duro y agrietado. Las crudas imágenes de Bacon sobre este lugar, con primeros planos de peces muertos que lucen como fósiles atrapados en el suelo, parecen ironizar en torno a las reglas convencionales del paisaje y acercan al lector a otro tipo de atmósferas que muestran lugares devastados por la contaminación del mismo sistema injusto e inequitativo que provoca que miles de seres humanos vivan en condiciones de miseria. Fiel a los objetivos del libro que priorizan el retrato de los seres humanos, el fotógrafo muestra una galería de imágenes en las que puede verse a distintas personas que viven en la zona y que han debido enfrentar los resultados de esta contaminación. No se trata de personajes que muestren solamente los efectos del desastre, sino de seres humanos que luchan y viven con sus lazos familiares y sus afectos para enfrentarse a un medio agresivo y desafiante.<br /><br />Como ha señalado el propio David Bacon en este texto, la singularidad de estas imágenes posibilita sus condiciones de universalidad. El tratamiento particular de los migrantes y los trabajadores en la lucha por la resistencia y la dignidad en condiciones muy concretas es lo que nos permite releer estas imágenes como parte de un rompecabezas mundial que logra su reconocimiento desde otros lugares conflictivos del planeta, desde el trasiego de personas en Libia y Honduras hasta el cada vez más peligroso paso de África a Europa a través de esa frontera de la muerte en la que se ha convertido el Mar Mediterráneo.<br /><br />Hasta aquí algunos trazos que suponen distintas lecturas de un trabajo fotográfico complejo, que incluye la experiencia de varias décadas de un autor con un compromiso profesional y político muy claro, que han implicado el manejo de una diversidad de ángulos y enfoques que recogen algunos géneros y temáticas que van del retrato al paisaje y que, sobre todo, documentan de manera contundente el enorme poder transformador de las imágenes.<br /><p></p>davidbaconhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/08469116035735786689noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3459520319181539184.post-74204527252843512722023-08-06T20:27:00.001-07:002023-08-06T20:30:30.858-07:00MARCH PHOTOGRAPHS - PAPELES PARA TODOS - PAPERS FOR EVERYONE!<p>MARCH PHOTOGRAPHS - PAPELES PARA TODOS - PAPERS FOR EVERYONE!<br />Photographs by David Bacon<br /><br />For a full set of photographs, click <a href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/56646659@N05/albums/72177720310298571">here</a>.<br />Para una carpeta completo de fotografías, haga clic <a href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/56646659@N05/albums/72177720310298571">aquí</a>.<br /><br />On Saturday, August 7, marchers left Petaluma on a three-day march to the Federal Building in San Francisco. A simultaneous march left San Jose bound for the same destination. These are part of national demonstrations to support a campaign popularly known as "Papeles para todos!" or "Papers for everyone." The marchers called on Congress to pass H.R. 1511, the "Registry Bill," which updates a 1929 law so that undocumented people can apply for legal permanent residency if they have lived in the country for at least seven years. It is estimated that approximately eight million of the approximately eleven million undocumented people in the U.S. would benefit under this new update of current law.<br /><br />El sábado 7 de agosto, los manifestantes partieron de Petaluma en una marcha de tres días hacia el Edificio Federal en San Francisco. Una marcha simultánea salió de San José con destino al mismo destino. Estos son parte de las manifestaciones nacionales para apoyar una campaña conocida popularmente como "¡Papeles para todos!" o "Papers for everyone!" Los manifestantes pidieron al Congreso que apruebe H.R. 1511, el "Proyecto de Ley de Registro", que actualiza una ley de 1929 para que las personas indocumentadas puedan solicitar la residencia legal permanente si han vivido en el país durante al menos siete años. Se estima que aproximadamente ocho millones de los aproximadamente once millones de personas indocumentadas en los EE. UU. se beneficiarían con esta nueva actualización de la ley actual.</p><p> </p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhqf4wSG9vwxNFV2SjdLkUFkEmnYIWTrXgU09jZDGPDPjGRaKokBmIb_Wg3LEmy7DGSt5eOms_0d2X_hEIR4iHmLvMlu3gjgv2cs4OZuApFjs_Hco5pmcLMVT9R84SrCE-OPXd4vEEBYT4HI0VzfAyoWfgzetWr4MC92QJP58bzjzYvoO590nr61ulbQOw/s720/dnb2023registrydayone002.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhqf4wSG9vwxNFV2SjdLkUFkEmnYIWTrXgU09jZDGPDPjGRaKokBmIb_Wg3LEmy7DGSt5eOms_0d2X_hEIR4iHmLvMlu3gjgv2cs4OZuApFjs_Hco5pmcLMVT9R84SrCE-OPXd4vEEBYT4HI0VzfAyoWfgzetWr4MC92QJP58bzjzYvoO590nr61ulbQOw/s16000/dnb2023registrydayone002.jpg" /></a></div><br /><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi0lGq0DqjW8cwCcDpNeQy05fsMvP8GEMGZBEVgqceNdQZoIVYOBO2firn4FtpnW27hfNWSpCISyGCj03DOknjTMIqvetBWDdYMY9roxffmOafD6qXCRatlwDtPbboluXIJot333CxoAcXsL9vxNiZDiQ_9Z27UIq6f6HOxXma20n-DHPCGLAjHv9xx4oU/s720/dnb2023registrydayone003.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; 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text-align: center;"></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"></div><br /> <p></p><p></p><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><p><br /><br /></p>davidbaconhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/08469116035735786689noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3459520319181539184.post-49396075093532025032023-07-24T22:43:00.005-07:002023-07-24T22:47:19.023-07:00COMUNIDADES DE RESISTENCIA EN LA FRONTERA<p>COMUNIDADES DE RESISTENCIA EN LA FRONTERA<br />Por David Bacon<br />Perspectivas Latinoamericanas, Marzo 2023<br /><a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/0094582X221149440">https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/0094582X221149440</a></p><p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><i><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiPyN_5_lCdsB5s25UToaKubENbN7ySQ7MCexAUirfgoXwIokUpwErzzCqAw-pGd1ZehBpWcbVTY-ZE-WaHJ9-aMRorlpL9s7o3sPtCI5cevtgJJTofRAwH0WeyiflgYpZlcXqJveZxtqM3JFZn7WwlbA8k-ugnB-pnBJzUCwn-E495cTYz3kxiyJCVA3A/s720/01.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiPyN_5_lCdsB5s25UToaKubENbN7ySQ7MCexAUirfgoXwIokUpwErzzCqAw-pGd1ZehBpWcbVTY-ZE-WaHJ9-aMRorlpL9s7o3sPtCI5cevtgJJTofRAwH0WeyiflgYpZlcXqJveZxtqM3JFZn7WwlbA8k-ugnB-pnBJzUCwn-E495cTYz3kxiyJCVA3A/s16000/01.jpg" /></a></i></div><i><br /><span class="HwtZe" lang="es"><span class="jCAhz ChMk0b"><span class="ryNqvb">David Bacon es un fotógrafo y escritor que ha documentado los movimientos sociales en México/EE.UU.</span></span> <span class="jCAhz ChMk0b"><span class="ryNqvb">frontera durante 30 años. Las fotografías que aquí se reproducen son seleccionadas del libro "Más que un muro/Más que un muro" publicado por el Colegio de la Frontera Norte, Tijuana, México, 2022. Para más información sobre el libro, escriba a dbacon@igc.org o haga clic <a href="https://david-bacon-photography.square.site/product/more-than-a-wall-mas-que-un-muro/1?cp=true&sa=true&sbp=false&q=false">aquí</a></span></span></span></i><p></p><p> <br /><br />Maclovio Rojas, ubicada en el extremo este de Tijuana, es el hogar de 1,300 personas. Es una comunidad en resistencia, formada en 1988 por personas que no pudieron encontrar otro lugar para vivir en la ciudad en rápida expansión. La tierra en la que se asentaron estaba desocupada y pertenecía al gobierno federal. De acuerdo con la antigua ley de reforma agraria, las personas tenían derecho a establecerse aquí y después solicitar al gobierno su propiedad formal. A lo largo de los caminos de terracería que se extienden como una cuadrícula desde la carretera, las casas de la gente están hechas con tarimas viejas, cartón corrugado del que se utiliza para empacar envíos, y otros desechos provenientes de las fábricas. La comunidad está asentada sobre un terreno bajo, seco y arenoso, rodeado por colinas deforestadas.<br /><br />La tierra aquí pareciera no tener gran valor, pero del otro lado de la terracería, en la orilla de la ciudad se distingue la maquiladora de la empresa Hyundai, y apenas por encima de la colina, el Parque Industrial Florido. El TLCAN y la devaluación del peso provocaron un auge de la construcción en Tijuana, y en unas cuantas décadas este pequeño pueblo turístico de tan mala reputación se convirtió en asiento de cientos de maquiladoras. <br /><br />"Así fue como surgió Tijuana", explicó Eduardo Badillo, secretario general del Comité Regional de Apoyo a Trabajadores Fronterizos, una organización comunitaria activa en los barrios de la ciudad. "El gobierno denomina a estos asentamientos como "invasiones", nosotros los llamamos "tomas". Como sea que quieran llamarles, la ley reconoció nuestro derecho a construir viviendas en esta tierra, porque de acuerdo con la Constitución, éste es nuestro país." (E. Badillo, comunicación personal, 01 de mayo de 1996).<br /><br />Los derechos otorgados por la reforma agraria fueron socavados al reformarse la Constitución mexicana cuando comenzó la época del TLCAN, pero para facilitar que las corporaciones como Hyundai adquirieran sus propias tierras y proteger sus títulos de propiedad. Después de construir sus casas, la familia Yorba, los propietarios originales de estas tierras antes de la Revolución, alegaban que les pertenecían. Los habitantes locales vieron este reclamo como un engaño para que Hyundai lograra obtener la posesión legal de las tierras. La familia acusó a la líder comunitaria Hortensia Hernández de haber tomado ilegalmente sus tierras, y fue arrestada en 1995. Los pobladores se negaron a abandonar sus casas y el conflicto creció. Después de cinco meses en prisión, la familia no pudo presentar los documentos que probaran su propiedad, y Hortensia fue finalmente liberada.<br /><br />Cuando salió de prisión, Hortensia debía su libertad en gran parte al Comité Regional de Apoyo a Trabajadores Fronterizos, con sede en Tijuana, y al Comité de Apoyo para Trabajadores de Maquiladoras, con sede en San Diego. Ambos grupos ayudaron a organizar una marcha desde Tijuana a la capital del estado en Mexicali para exigir su liberación.<br /><br />Maclovio Rojas se convirtió en una entre muchas comunidades similares a lo largo de la frontera, pues estas comunidades han surgido de las tomas de tierras realizadas por personas pobres, a menudo trabajadores de las maquiladoras, a quienes en la mayoría de los casos los gobiernos les han negado los títulos legales de propiedad, en su afán de proteger a los inversionistas. Las comunidades, al enfrentar los intentos por desalojar a la gente de sus casas y expulsarlos de sus tierras, se transforman rápidamente en comunidades de resistencia. Algunas han sido expulsadas, pero otras han resistido a pesar del encarcelamiento de sus líderes y los conflictos con la policía y los golpeadores. En la década de 1990, Maclovio Rojas fue escenario de uno de esos conflictos, pero actualmente es un lugar mucho más pacífico, y a lo largo de los años sus habitantes han obligado al gobierno local a proporcionarles escuelas y proveerles de los servicios básicos.<br /><br />Ante todo, la tradición de la ocupación de la tierra está muy presente, con comunidades de resistencia parecidas en la periferia de la mayoría de las grandes ciudades de la frontera. Cañon Buenavista es otra comunidad en resistencia, surgió de dos invasiones distintas de tierras por trabajadores rurales de los ranchos de Maneadero, el valle agrícola ubicado justo al sur de Ensenada. La primera invasión fue dirigida por Benito García, un controvertido personaje entre los migrantes oaxaqueños. García fue un carismático líder durante las huelgas agrícolas al inicio de la década de 1980, y más tarde fue acusado de abuso de autoridad. En la década de 1980, organizó a los trabajadores agrícolas en el valle de Maneadero para invadir 50 hectáreas en una ladera desértica al sur de la ciudad, antes los trabajadores vivían en los campamentos de trabajo o incluso dormían en la carretera.<br /><br />El gobierno del estado compró entonces la tierra a las personas que decían tener la propiedad legal, y la revendió a los invasores por medio de una agencia llamada Inmobiliaria Estatal. Julio Sandoval llegó a Cañón Buenavista en 1990 y construyó allí una casa para su familia. Sandoval ya había liderado un movimiento similar en San Quintín organizando una comunidad Triqui de trabajadores agrícolas llamada Nuevo San Juan Copala. La Confederación Independiente de Obreros Agrícolas y Campesinos, una organización rural radical fundada por el Partido Comunista Mexicano, dirigió muchas de estas luchas en el Valle de San Quintín en Baja California en la década de 1990, y su líder Beatriz Chávez fue encarcelada por invadir tierras para construir viviendas.<br /><br />Sandoval tuvo problemas con las autoridades estatales cuando comenzó a incitar a los pobladores de Cañón Buenavista para que no hicieran el pago de sus lotes. La Inmobiliaria Estatal había aumentado el precio de venta y los pagos por cada lote, por lo que muchas familias ya no pudieron pagar su deuda. Sin embargo Sandoval había descubierto que en 1973 el gobierno federal declaró que decenas de miles de hectáreas en el norte de Baja California, incluida la tierra donde se encuentra Cañon Buenavista, eran propiedad del gobierno. Como resultado de una nueva invasión de tierras, la población total de Cañón Buenavista aumentó a 2,700 familias, aproximadamente 10,000 personas, la mayoría originarios de pueblos Mixtecos y Triqui en Oaxaca. Sin embargo, Sandoval fue acusado de tomar las tierras por la fuerza y ??encarcelado por dos años en la prisión estatal de Ensenada.<br /><br />Estas son comunidades son producto del hambre por tierras -de personas que son arrastradas a la frontera para conseguir trabajo, pero que no tienen acceso a la vivienda. Para sobrevivir, muchas comunidades de resistencia solicitaron el apoyo de la Coalición por la Justicia en las Maquiladoras y de otros grupos transfronterizos. El Frente Indígena de Organizaciones Binacionales, FIOB, también apoyó a los migrantes indígenas, tanto en sus pueblos de origen en Oaxaca y en sus comunidades al sur de la frontera, en Baja California, como en las comunidades indígenas al norte de la frontera, en California.<br /><br />En el otro extremo de la frontera, cerca de la ciudad de Matamoros, los trabajadores de las maquiladoras construyeron los asentamientos Derechos Humanos, y Fuerza y ??Unidad. En las afueras de Nuevo Laredo, cruzando la frontera con Texas, el asentamiento de Blanca Navidad, igual que el de Cañón Buenavista, se unió también al movimiento por el reconocimiento de las comunidades autónomas que iniciaron los zapatistas en Chiapas. Después de triunfar y vencer el intento de desalojo del gobierno estatal de Tamaulipas en 2006, las comunidades indígenas autónomas de Chiapas enviaron mil cajas de víveres a la población de Blanca Navidad, en un gesto de apoyo para fortalecer su alianza norte-sur. Un año después, los comandantes zapatistas Eucaria, Miriam y Zebedeo estuvieron ahí en un intercambio por dos semanas, y la comunidad construyó un centro de salud: El Otro Caracol /The Other Snail.<br /><br />En esa reunión, la comandanta Eucaria explicó que las mujeres son muy importantes para la supervivencia de las comunidades de resistencia. "Como mujeres", dijo, "somos indispensables en los pueblos autónomos. Echamos a andar proyectos para bordar, criar pollos, hornear pan. Y aunque obtenemos muy poco dinero, lo usamos para satisfacer las necesidades de nuestra lucha, y si nos sobra algo, lo invertimos en molinos para moler masa. De esa manera, las mujeres tienen más tiempo para hacer otro trabajo. Nosotras tomamos las decisiones y nadie puede mandarnos".<br /><br />Sin embargo, la precaria situación de las mujeres en la frontera, tanto en las comunidades de resistencia como en las colonias de las grandes ciudades fronterizas se transformó en una crisis política y social a fines de la década de 1990 cuando muchas de ellas desaparecieron y fueron asesinadas en Ciudad Juárez. De acuerdo con Nuestras Hijas de Regreso a Casa, un grupo organizado por las madres de las víctimas, de 1996 al otoño de 2002, se sabe que 284 mujeres fueron asesinadas, y otras 450 fueron desaparecidas. Al menos 90 de sus cuerpos han aparecido en las afueras del desierto de la ciudad, enterrados en tumbas poco profundas. Muchas fueron violadas antes de ser asesinadas. Su edad promedio era de 16 años, y la más joven tenía sólo 10 años de edad.<br /><br />Rosario Acosta, madre de una de las mujeres desaparecidas, acusó a los fiscales del gobierno de Chihuahua por tratar de silenciar a las madres cuando exigen que se haga algo al respecto. "Alegan que los inmigrantes en Ciudad Juárez son responsables por la creciente inseguridad en nuestra ciudad", comentó. Pero las madres estaban convencidas de que fuerzas sociales más grandes eran las responsables de generar el clima de extrema violencia contra las mujeres. Ciudad Juárez se ha convertido en una enorme metrópolis construida a costa del trabajo de decenas de miles de mujeres jóvenes en las maquiladoras. </p><p> </p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiPyN_5_lCdsB5s25UToaKubENbN7ySQ7MCexAUirfgoXwIokUpwErzzCqAw-pGd1ZehBpWcbVTY-ZE-WaHJ9-aMRorlpL9s7o3sPtCI5cevtgJJTofRAwH0WeyiflgYpZlcXqJveZxtqM3JFZn7WwlbA8k-ugnB-pnBJzUCwn-E495cTYz3kxiyJCVA3A/s720/01.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiPyN_5_lCdsB5s25UToaKubENbN7ySQ7MCexAUirfgoXwIokUpwErzzCqAw-pGd1ZehBpWcbVTY-ZE-WaHJ9-aMRorlpL9s7o3sPtCI5cevtgJJTofRAwH0WeyiflgYpZlcXqJveZxtqM3JFZn7WwlbA8k-ugnB-pnBJzUCwn-E495cTYz3kxiyJCVA3A/s16000/01.jpg" /></a></div><p></p><p><i>01 - Maclovio Rojas, Tijuana, Baja California - 1996<br />A la entrada de la comunidad Maclovio Rojas un letrero indica que se trata de una asociación civil y una organización de pequeños dueños afiliada a la CIOAC. En la década de 1970, la CIOAC fue organizada por el Partido Comunista Mexicano (PCM) y otros activistas de izquierda para ayudar a los pequeños agricultores y los campesinos pobres a defender su derecho a la tierra. Para 1996, el PCM ya había desaparecido pero sus activistas mantuvieron una sección local de la CIOAC en Baja California para ayudar a los trabajadores migrantes a organizarse, establecerse y construir sus viviendas.<br /></i></p><p><i><br /></i></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><i><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgkhZniKmNpfpFZLqRnhtq5bf8jvSI1H3gVTbmitp64RgOyJdyZ5cAsE0AKP2wmgq0BUYdvDDEzeub0n0TkOwijRaucV1Iu4wKNyhef8AydMJ25EocOra0-0wl6TC0chjdoC-u_oQIjcl3EI4PgM2NBNdRV7rUXm5mJcpTB6J5_WIfexBn3IcolALCcjoc/s720/02.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgkhZniKmNpfpFZLqRnhtq5bf8jvSI1H3gVTbmitp64RgOyJdyZ5cAsE0AKP2wmgq0BUYdvDDEzeub0n0TkOwijRaucV1Iu4wKNyhef8AydMJ25EocOra0-0wl6TC0chjdoC-u_oQIjcl3EI4PgM2NBNdRV7rUXm5mJcpTB6J5_WIfexBn3IcolALCcjoc/s16000/02.jpg" /></a></i></div><p><i>02 - Cañón Buenavista, Baja California - 2002<br />En las orillas de Cañón Buenavista, el pueblo se integra con el paisaje con los cerros desérticos que lo rodean. La comunidad se autodenomina "Pueblo Autónomo Aguas Calientes", como una manera de manifestar su participación en el movimiento zapatista por la creación de pueblos autónomos, en los que los habitantes indígenas detentan el poder.<br /></i></p><p><i><br /></i></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><i><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEggvFksczrcdM_AzgOXCrQ0w4PsG0VypQm1BqaawJy2qpVV6m_6Pw-fNrbLG3Q34zxKFqfnY3Ykw7drGUpfDMk8-b_4yZHN_4aP9XVYNiaCGw9KCRHFGjDMJWel6IZTZzwEwQMRIcbJ9eNq9L5Avm8CnXilF9JzOKgDluTUUGOqrJiSY_lO0--FIItqZ84/s720/03.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEggvFksczrcdM_AzgOXCrQ0w4PsG0VypQm1BqaawJy2qpVV6m_6Pw-fNrbLG3Q34zxKFqfnY3Ykw7drGUpfDMk8-b_4yZHN_4aP9XVYNiaCGw9KCRHFGjDMJWel6IZTZzwEwQMRIcbJ9eNq9L5Avm8CnXilF9JzOKgDluTUUGOqrJiSY_lO0--FIItqZ84/s16000/03.jpg" /></a></i></div><p><i>03 - Maclovio Rojas, Tijuana, Baja California - 1996<br />Niños en Maclovio Rojas juegan en la calle de tierra con llantas y cajones lecheros, como si estuvieran en un patio de juegos.<br /><br /></i></p><p><i><br /></i></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><i><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjIcIAixAXEPRzJa2lTb-G_Zam0TV5CG6WxAv6weGsNCrPDLy6augwgoX-2RvHfMBrLdPsZ4Zi6fgazHsDQ-A07y7H6JDQDvQOJU3KGgA9hMz0YO03O5as4LplXIRPvfdocp3yPYul6gE9A7oJoRuHvwehMWDsTAKmK-JCgHx_IMBpoHdLubdlyV0qc_HI/s720/04.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjIcIAixAXEPRzJa2lTb-G_Zam0TV5CG6WxAv6weGsNCrPDLy6augwgoX-2RvHfMBrLdPsZ4Zi6fgazHsDQ-A07y7H6JDQDvQOJU3KGgA9hMz0YO03O5as4LplXIRPvfdocp3yPYul6gE9A7oJoRuHvwehMWDsTAKmK-JCgHx_IMBpoHdLubdlyV0qc_HI/s16000/04.jpg" /></a></i></div><p><i>04 - Maclovio Rojas, Tijuana, Baja California - 1996<br />Los habitantes de la comunidad escuchan hablar a Hortensia Hernández, después de que fue liberada de la cárcel de Baja California, donde fue encarcelada por dirigir la lucha por obtener los derechos de posesión sobre las tierras de la comunidad.</i></p><p><i>"He vivido en Tijuana durante 21 años, y 9 años aquí en Maclovio Rojas", señaló. <br /><br />"Estamos luchando por mantener nuestras 197 hectáreas. Esta es una zona industrial. Nos han dicho que han comprometido estos terrenos para entregarlos a las empresas transnacionales. La autopista va a pasar por aquí, y por eso la tierra se ha vuelto muy valiosa. Pero no vamos a ceder ni un centímetro.<br /><br />El gobierno del estado quería apoderarse de la tierra, pero cuando vieron que no íbamos a ceder, empezaron a inventar acusaciones en nuestra contra, sobre todo por despojo e instigación. Aquí en Baja California, cuando te acusan de esto, no tienes derecho a fianza. Pero pudimos demostrar que éramos inocentes y que las acusaciones habían sido inventadas. Demostramos que estas eran tierras federales, y por eso logré mi libertad. El gobierno estatal sabe que no pueden hacer mucho en nuestra contra porque nos hemos organizado para resistir.<br /><br />Estuve presa durante cinco meses. Un día en la cárcel se siente como si fuera un año. Esta cárcel es un lugar de perdición. Las personas detenidas allí, en lugar de rehabilitarse quedan peor, y se van deteriorando física y moralmente.<br /><br />La gente aquí es pobre y, a menudo, ni siquiera tienen que comer. Al no recibir apoyo del gobierno para hacer producir esta tierra, la gente tiene que trabajar en las maquiladoras para sobrevivir. Más de la mitad de la población de Maclovio Rojas trabaja en las diferentes fábricas. Muchos trabajan en Hyundai. Cuando algunos trabajadores fueron injustamente despedidos de la fábrica Laymex decidieron organizar una huelga. Nosotros fuimos a apoyarlos, y esa fue una de las razones por las que me detuvieron.<br /></i></p><p><i><br /></i></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><i><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhUkdXW9w2ydFP-wD9r_e9OdNYI3VdHfblWCQP9CGxG9CChScK-X4qnIkYs2OjN2hrF9oPhmjBIb8ptixKpMNeJvA1MHqiS-RFN3SLDl_yew4KmT0dn0CXcS_1S1-iFBky7dKjlwryunevdUkUaNZmsixNhSAPNVrQx92EhlUXXQ1IlAEjk2epbst5vCOQ/s720/05.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhUkdXW9w2ydFP-wD9r_e9OdNYI3VdHfblWCQP9CGxG9CChScK-X4qnIkYs2OjN2hrF9oPhmjBIb8ptixKpMNeJvA1MHqiS-RFN3SLDl_yew4KmT0dn0CXcS_1S1-iFBky7dKjlwryunevdUkUaNZmsixNhSAPNVrQx92EhlUXXQ1IlAEjk2epbst5vCOQ/s16000/05.jpg" /></a></i></div><p><i>05 - Cañón Buenavista, Baja California, 2002. <br />El pueblo se fusiona con las colinas del desierto circundante.<br /></i></p><p><i><br /></i></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><i><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg1on82Ibhh7hxcCnmkGYwYLHiLVkEjnAvBfgKDPiFWA3hXnACKtwHKBvZGV8guBXsZKJVGZClWe3VBRr6uibKccq1eY9UZnOZBHnKRDhuJoZ2O0NrLadBl9C1UmrtQ4SCqWjxTS3FIxvn3iqIzscz5h37-1IVQCwC1O7HgvHInPasTu0420wyGsYwHxuQ/s720/06.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg1on82Ibhh7hxcCnmkGYwYLHiLVkEjnAvBfgKDPiFWA3hXnACKtwHKBvZGV8guBXsZKJVGZClWe3VBRr6uibKccq1eY9UZnOZBHnKRDhuJoZ2O0NrLadBl9C1UmrtQ4SCqWjxTS3FIxvn3iqIzscz5h37-1IVQCwC1O7HgvHInPasTu0420wyGsYwHxuQ/s16000/06.jpg" /></a></i></div><p><i>06 - Cañón Buenavista, Baja California - 2002<br />Esther Murillo formó parte del grupo de las primeras veinte familias que ocuparon 78 hectáreas en los cerros que rodean el Cañón Buenavista. Para realizar la toma escogieron el 1 de mayo, el día internacional del trabajo. "Al principio éramos sólo 30 personas y la policía nos rodeó", recuerda. "Dijeron que iban a quemar las casas que construimos, pero nos quedamos despiertos 20 de nosotros y vigilamos toda la noche. Teníamos a nuestros hijos adentro y temíamos que algo pudiera pasarles. Pero estábamos tranquilos, y no nos movimos para evitar que hubiera un enfrentamiento físico. Al principio había 40 casas y una semana después eran 50. Ahora son unas 500. Pero durante mucho tiempo la policía siguió viniendo todas las noches para asustarnos."<br /><br />Esther no tenía dinero para pagar una renta o comprar un terreno. Ganando 50-70 pesos diarios en el campo ($ 5-7) y trabajando sólo durante la temporada de cosecha, no podía sobrevivir. "Siendo pobres, ¿qué se supone que debíamos hacer entonces?", pregunta. Sin embargo, una vez tomadas las tierras, Esther y sus demás compañeros se llevaron un gran chasco. "Todo esto era una ladera cubierta de maleza, llena de víboras y tarántulas, y tuvimos que limpiarlo todo", comenta. "Pero luego, ya que habíamos hecho el trabajo, de pronto comenzaron a aparecer muchos supuestos propietarios."<br /></i></p><p><i><br /></i></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><i><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEifv3WxJxx7tA5G0LxNSvCVoWdAelnbxlUzFWc-gaKXFBD1cQ5fS5lqILAh4-c-4MYsSswdLrOkpc5y1wbtdrJn76F1X4358f_hdQTAQRSvCue1FDdZ9ub7RwuSfWyvaU5QfNoro1uAjhrFymTtZ1DZDZHFsCtiKvRsfZyaMz4bcZIGFVcqWoGeg2zZHHo/s720/07.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEifv3WxJxx7tA5G0LxNSvCVoWdAelnbxlUzFWc-gaKXFBD1cQ5fS5lqILAh4-c-4MYsSswdLrOkpc5y1wbtdrJn76F1X4358f_hdQTAQRSvCue1FDdZ9ub7RwuSfWyvaU5QfNoro1uAjhrFymTtZ1DZDZHFsCtiKvRsfZyaMz4bcZIGFVcqWoGeg2zZHHo/s16000/07.jpg" /></a></i></div><p><i>07 - Cañón Buenavista, Baja California - 2002<br />Juana Sandoval, esposa de Julio Sandoval, líder comunitario preso, calienta tortillas en una estufa montada sobre bloques de cemento. La estufa se conecta por una manguera de plástico a un tanque de gas grande que la familia reabastece dos veces al mes. El único cuarto grande de la casa está a oscuras incluso a mediodía. Aún así, la casa de Sandoval está mejor que muchas otras en Cañón Buenavista. "Algunos de nosotros vivimos en casas de cartón y cocinamos con leña, una combinación muy peligrosa", comenta Julio en entrevista telefónica desde la prisión. Una de las paredes exteriores de una casa, construida con un plafón de madera se quemó justo en un incendio, e incendió la casa de al lado.<br /></i></p><p><i><br /></i></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><i><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiVv5P3RRaDZNGfRDcjl3Cysbc8rAVTRY8ka_y5XeupWQBS1mlQro9mLMlb9tXr5hzxbcLmI0R17n7XIsdUVPdftdNVsLVEisjGH3gmpAX4fu1qnJDv1J84DQay0l2w4BChXU1LDOwgKawVShZZEG7oBcw9UTM_TM4oVPFpXCpQPzWlpE3RfWEwlQLVEmM/s720/08.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiVv5P3RRaDZNGfRDcjl3Cysbc8rAVTRY8ka_y5XeupWQBS1mlQro9mLMlb9tXr5hzxbcLmI0R17n7XIsdUVPdftdNVsLVEisjGH3gmpAX4fu1qnJDv1J84DQay0l2w4BChXU1LDOwgKawVShZZEG7oBcw9UTM_TM4oVPFpXCpQPzWlpE3RfWEwlQLVEmM/s16000/08.jpg" /></a></i></div><p><i>08 - Cañón Buenavista, Baja California - 2002<br />De vez en cuando, camiones de la gran fábrica de alimentos enlatados Herdez en Ensenada llegan con cargamentos de tomatillos. Muchos de los habitantes de la comunidad se dedican entonces a pelarlos por un salario muy bajo. Después, los tomatillos son nuevamente transportados en camiones a la fabrica para procesarlos. Los niños trabajan con su familia quitando la cáscara de los tomatillos. Después de quitarles la cáscara, los tomatillos tienen que lavarse.<br /></i></p><p><i><br /></i></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><i><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgnoCFYXWSJsM8QyPZQdqzAjTm_khltzVHwn1EjVOmmOOpj51AVhmiOPkE-7No4mUJKird_0_14ZXNgT__iXsnnPlIzDtqsEEDtz6DQQyYJ3M6EvIoiWNR0-_LqiM6RmDbDTPlfvOGJvvP2A6NNTT9OkCcLpEnryFRfnJjZy5ucV40-fLFyUaYdsWs6RbM/s720/09.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgnoCFYXWSJsM8QyPZQdqzAjTm_khltzVHwn1EjVOmmOOpj51AVhmiOPkE-7No4mUJKird_0_14ZXNgT__iXsnnPlIzDtqsEEDtz6DQQyYJ3M6EvIoiWNR0-_LqiM6RmDbDTPlfvOGJvvP2A6NNTT9OkCcLpEnryFRfnJjZy5ucV40-fLFyUaYdsWs6RbM/s16000/09.jpg" /></a></i></div><p><i>09 - Cañón Buenavista, Baja California - 2002<br />Aunque es un trabajo duro, las familias platican y bromean entre sí para pasar el tiempo.<br /></i></p><p><i><br /></i></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><i><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjeIuH6uGYuK0B9UXkYtjYaG6xGJSaN-l6ADg8-hE4dNdr_sGxxboACRiaWZRkJu_NJVtfhCC0mzEFdwb3DQqryrHdG56je6xRa_ogOXdvYz4t-GAd5NKcKX1EfdfBOo893vj5LKsT3eorxs3E7WCR9LifM0sRSYI-5v5g3phSOOkOmkhihodDe-JgWJ4s/s720/10.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjeIuH6uGYuK0B9UXkYtjYaG6xGJSaN-l6ADg8-hE4dNdr_sGxxboACRiaWZRkJu_NJVtfhCC0mzEFdwb3DQqryrHdG56je6xRa_ogOXdvYz4t-GAd5NKcKX1EfdfBOo893vj5LKsT3eorxs3E7WCR9LifM0sRSYI-5v5g3phSOOkOmkhihodDe-JgWJ4s/s16000/10.jpg" /></a></i></div><p><i>10 - Blanca Navidad, Tamaulipas - 2006<br />La líder comunitaria Blanca Enríquez en el jardín comunitario de Blanca Navidad, que fue formada por migrantes del sur de México, que buscaban tierras para construir un lugar donde vivir. La mayoría de ellos trabaja en las maquiladoras de Nuevo Laredo. Antes de construir el jardín y un centro de salud comunitario "no teníamos nada", comenta. Cuando el gobierno intentó desalojarnos, lo único que nos quedó fueron lonas, postes y algunas mantas. La mayoría de nosotros en esta colonia trabajamos en las maquiladoras, pero sin importar en dónde trabajemos todos somos de esta comunidad y todos somos iguales."<br /></i></p><p><i><br /></i></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><i><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhsrID7fINFGT1JM3d7UtBfrw0BGTWd2sTnm27OEJEpAL0ZS1QnKGwurik1GBb8miYa-HLyHr3gPRV3MnizAGuWWiiKRcQ_jmU0WXVJhFjNAfOl7Y77CMVG9KIGEJVaxkO1w3eIzVqTrsFnW-6Q0e-mmLTLoJBe9vNBuEQuRfedr0_OvNCXKlKTKYlGk00/s720/11.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhsrID7fINFGT1JM3d7UtBfrw0BGTWd2sTnm27OEJEpAL0ZS1QnKGwurik1GBb8miYa-HLyHr3gPRV3MnizAGuWWiiKRcQ_jmU0WXVJhFjNAfOl7Y77CMVG9KIGEJVaxkO1w3eIzVqTrsFnW-6Q0e-mmLTLoJBe9vNBuEQuRfedr0_OvNCXKlKTKYlGk00/s16000/11.jpg" /></a></i></div><p><i>11 - Blanca Navidad, Tamaulipas - 2006<br />En el interior de la casa de una familia en Blanca Navidad, construida con piso de tierra y paredes de plafón de madera para construcción recuperados de la fábricas. En México, a las colonias como Blanca Navidad también se les conoce como "ciudades perdidas", lugares, de acuerdo con el periodista Javier Hernández Alpízar, "donde viven los mexicanos marginados, que han sido privados de su derecho a la vivienda". En marcado contraste, no muy lejos de la colonia se localiza el puente que cruza la frontera con Estados Unidos, conocido como "El Puente Internacional del Comercio Mundial", en celebración del libre comercio.<br /></i></p><p><i><br /></i></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><i><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiXOtAYUuYUX2wp_2ewwm6aoBCsLMttjb12Ps6pcUPlRAw5IhDfDK7x6pMUJ8untZaqQZ-ZQosfDZG1-Sm9RDG4i17qE6CARt8-ZZpwS3qtZYm8TPRgYlVJco2yqtjvKjvuvn-yf17kqYzimr-VZgJ6eZww4FVHxgJdv0QCaPxNKuSiYH17b_1FOMqhlrQ/s720/12.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiXOtAYUuYUX2wp_2ewwm6aoBCsLMttjb12Ps6pcUPlRAw5IhDfDK7x6pMUJ8untZaqQZ-ZQosfDZG1-Sm9RDG4i17qE6CARt8-ZZpwS3qtZYm8TPRgYlVJco2yqtjvKjvuvn-yf17kqYzimr-VZgJ6eZww4FVHxgJdv0QCaPxNKuSiYH17b_1FOMqhlrQ/s16000/12.jpg" /></a></i></div><p><i>12 - Blanca Navidad, Tamaulipas - 2006<br />La familia extensa de un trabajador de una maquiladora. En 2006 la gente de la comunidad Blanca Navidad fue brutalmente desalojada, cuando el alcalde de Nuevo Laredo envió tractores para demoler sus casas; muchas casas fueron quemadas, dejando a las mujeres y los niños completamente desprotegidos. El periódico El Mañana denunció al gobierno local y apoyó a la comunidad en su lucha por la tierra. Unos días después, el periódico fue bombardeado y uno de sus reportero resultó gravemente herido. Los responsables del atentado jamás fueron encontrados.<br /></i></p><p><i><br /></i></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><i><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj1RopwHLs9fW2aDUvIincsW8Xwm1-BKSsMOaDGTZylCVFJauH2NNXkj5FktCrtRTGzHIpoQ-XRH830zS5aLF9OZG4IT753393TqJ9rPFOOEg7HKm33YPCc2C6UrOHnKxQeN9j7X6N2WbbGGcECPx1oXq2T4RD3CS4BO0SE1tWANshTQgM0HMKbAcdU5SI/s720/13.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj1RopwHLs9fW2aDUvIincsW8Xwm1-BKSsMOaDGTZylCVFJauH2NNXkj5FktCrtRTGzHIpoQ-XRH830zS5aLF9OZG4IT753393TqJ9rPFOOEg7HKm33YPCc2C6UrOHnKxQeN9j7X6N2WbbGGcECPx1oXq2T4RD3CS4BO0SE1tWANshTQgM0HMKbAcdU5SI/s16000/13.jpg" /></a></i></div><p><i>13 - Blanca Navidad, Tamaulipas - 2006<br />Una niña carga a su gato enfrente de su casa.<br /></i></p><p><i><br /></i></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><i><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgpbzh0Q8ZHYCCSWA3fKwEd3SQpW9VAh4hX28uA9ZORYeExSwWBI1UAcQTtEEdvyfHvBWec9gGQTRVmgRRb-5sDwSodZmsKyTExaVExtqSCm8KCgHs258iHG5atdYGmmRrRmHBpKS1x4ypx1MywGjOc9c6ixJV6MAwGvJbFUqcHXi4iPmuuEzwdkYvQTmk/s720/14.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="720" data-original-width="483" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgpbzh0Q8ZHYCCSWA3fKwEd3SQpW9VAh4hX28uA9ZORYeExSwWBI1UAcQTtEEdvyfHvBWec9gGQTRVmgRRb-5sDwSodZmsKyTExaVExtqSCm8KCgHs258iHG5atdYGmmRrRmHBpKS1x4ypx1MywGjOc9c6ixJV6MAwGvJbFUqcHXi4iPmuuEzwdkYvQTmk/s16000/14.jpg" /></a></i></div><p><i>14 - Barrio La Alianza, Nuevo León - 2001<br />Cables de la luz tendidos ilegalmente a la línea principal a menos de medio kilómetro de distancia dentro del barrio de La Alianza. La ciudad de Monterrey no proporciona el servicio a muchos barrios de trabajadores de las maquiladoras como este, mientras que otorga inversión y apoyo a los desarrolladores de los parques industriales en donde trabajan.<br /><br /></i></p><p><i><br /></i></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><i><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg8nbHL7ikYK-b3m8gaUkD2-DeWbtqhd2kwXodesyUxF9HjevW4f3n7fy_QXabaaKnzAIIfmdb1KZMgoLVWy7PKh0HL05RcYvbcFdrA8umtl30b_swiYW-97Pb0Zev-xMxSsqYw1rtNhQfiyJ4LwY2tNVj7OD_l3KD1gUKKp-TksW5bQ3BSj8kV5aoE59M/s720/15.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg8nbHL7ikYK-b3m8gaUkD2-DeWbtqhd2kwXodesyUxF9HjevW4f3n7fy_QXabaaKnzAIIfmdb1KZMgoLVWy7PKh0HL05RcYvbcFdrA8umtl30b_swiYW-97Pb0Zev-xMxSsqYw1rtNhQfiyJ4LwY2tNVj7OD_l3KD1gUKKp-TksW5bQ3BSj8kV5aoE59M/s16000/15.jpg" /></a></i></div><p><i>15 - Barrio La Alianza, Nuevo León - 2001<br />Una mujer se apoya en una pala enfrente de su casa, donde las paredes han sido armadas con placas de metal, resortes de cama y madera de desecho.<br /></i></p><p><i><br /></i></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><i><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgrP10cEPthbVKwSlK6zF8R7QvI7QmqFlmnapmdVylWVls9ZktIUFeOoXCgsS-FOnT6TaBBdC4X6WZ_KZHUQCBzmOw8ePItYacbSTziDiCyxX7J68OJXgMwuRR5oWgG8ksGq-GC9eUv7RG8CYy3VX11CHCEt630jXR2HqLnPioMG2di5DCUQIQWB8X-WCw/s720/16.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgrP10cEPthbVKwSlK6zF8R7QvI7QmqFlmnapmdVylWVls9ZktIUFeOoXCgsS-FOnT6TaBBdC4X6WZ_KZHUQCBzmOw8ePItYacbSTziDiCyxX7J68OJXgMwuRR5oWgG8ksGq-GC9eUv7RG8CYy3VX11CHCEt630jXR2HqLnPioMG2di5DCUQIQWB8X-WCw/s16000/16.jpg" /></a></i></div><p><i>16 - Barrio La Alianza Barrio, Nuevo León - 2001<br />Rescatando material para las paredes, una familia encontró un cartel de una elección reciente que dice "El voto es libre y secreto". Uno de los defensores más comprometidos de los habitantes de La Alianza, y en general de los barrios pobres de Monterrey, fue Ignacio Zapata, quien impugnó las elecciones fraudulentas que mantenían a los partidos de los pobres y de la clase trabajadora fuera del poder.<br /><br />Ignacio ayudó a fundar organizaciones como la Alianza de Usuarios de Servicios Públicos, que luchó por la luz eléctrica, el agua y los servicios municipales para La Alianza y otros barrios. Fue también cofundador de la Alianza Binacional Pro-Bracero, que luchó por la devolución del dinero que fue descontado del salario de los migrantes braceros en Estados Unidos desde la década de 1940 hasta principios de 1960. Originalmente un practicante de la teología de la liberación, Ignacio se unió al Partido Comunista Mexicano, después ayudó a organizar el Partido Socialista Mexicano, el antecesor del Partido de la Revolución Democrática (PRD), y apoyó la campaña presidencial de Andrés Manuel López Obrador en 2006, que fue electo Presidente de Mexico en 2018..<br /></i></p><p><i><br /></i></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><i><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEidIzmL3e9nqz3wzUmGPjlnuRheZWns-5WWmJUyi-NE0qlAnexEHDwFzGTZJ0ijA2867lZSC-FkQYUe1cEPe625jqwDC_hdw5ksYZGDn5cZKjG-1PoIE4sT86jFrXFjb2MOj6BkQBBWbsFrMTsuC5L6xK_U0q7uXxcbOkgdjafQqrKtwjoYKN27jC2CSpc/s720/17.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEidIzmL3e9nqz3wzUmGPjlnuRheZWns-5WWmJUyi-NE0qlAnexEHDwFzGTZJ0ijA2867lZSC-FkQYUe1cEPe625jqwDC_hdw5ksYZGDn5cZKjG-1PoIE4sT86jFrXFjb2MOj6BkQBBWbsFrMTsuC5L6xK_U0q7uXxcbOkgdjafQqrKtwjoYKN27jC2CSpc/s16000/17.jpg" /></a></i></div><p><i>17 - Barrio Derechos Humanos, Tamaulipas - 2006<br />Dos autobuses transportan a los habitantes de los barrios Derechos Humanos, y Fuerza y ??Libertad a los parques industriales en donde trabajan muchos de ellos, y a otros los llevan al puente que cruza la frontera sobre el Río Bravo hacia Brownsville, Texas.<br /></i></p><p><i><br /></i></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><i><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhXyf7mqL_A6N7xS3B2I7lTJqTWH51kjf5KifEyHTY8uTWLhvngluWoPxPsrCsObpBT2xwte2EzfsY5KmMXZEzOve_GjwR_3At39bIQIbolP7NTMIgdFIF1Maqg56EzphCKq0O2OJsaPmAyYzRgKnrKnMjcTR1zF6n8iROutHkuh1Ge3YMRIAbFgCgYruk/s720/18.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhXyf7mqL_A6N7xS3B2I7lTJqTWH51kjf5KifEyHTY8uTWLhvngluWoPxPsrCsObpBT2xwte2EzfsY5KmMXZEzOve_GjwR_3At39bIQIbolP7NTMIgdFIF1Maqg56EzphCKq0O2OJsaPmAyYzRgKnrKnMjcTR1zF6n8iROutHkuh1Ge3YMRIAbFgCgYruk/s16000/18.jpg" /></a></i></div><p><i>18 - Barrio Derechos Humanos, Tamaulipas - 2006<br />Muchas familias sobreviven abriendo pequeños negocios en sus casas, y trabajando al mismo tiempo en las maquiladoras. Esta familia vende bollos, chocobananas y tostaditas.<br /></i></p><p><i><br /></i></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><i><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiJVd0qV3KHIv-88pT0G33MjhxTLlmAd_XDFNbBLSxDN00dVV9upRmVXtmOmyqxuQnRYW5jii4MDGvmC8s5QMn04iu_yFyblaKQ_Sk4YYfv4gtBK36BkMqRI6P7VIRh_B6_fYiX-mvB-h1YtwPNWztGp_RXyhXqbOBHfN9A6khdYVUTL9ue6FTezeNvH5U/s720/19.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiJVd0qV3KHIv-88pT0G33MjhxTLlmAd_XDFNbBLSxDN00dVV9upRmVXtmOmyqxuQnRYW5jii4MDGvmC8s5QMn04iu_yFyblaKQ_Sk4YYfv4gtBK36BkMqRI6P7VIRh_B6_fYiX-mvB-h1YtwPNWztGp_RXyhXqbOBHfN9A6khdYVUTL9ue6FTezeNvH5U/s16000/19.jpg" /></a></i></div><p><i>19 - Barrio Derechos Humanos, Tamaulipas - 2006<br />Un niño salta por encima de un puente colgante que cruza un canal contaminado cerca de la frontera con Estados Unidos. El canal, contaminado con sustancias químicas tóxicas vertidas por las fábricas, pasa cerca de las casas. Los habitantes, casi todos migrantes de Oaxaca y el sur de México, construyeron el puente para atravesar de un lado al otro del barrio.<br /></i></p><p><i><br /></i></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><i><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjMjtKUbw4LVnKLv2ecjS4ciPLCxGJJPvzvmTbagmX30KDm4nApp3Mrb5SBYT9lQqJPXtEQCQ3hzJ-EhxWsToAzbezwtNYIJMFc3FoZxOfECXV66sBLQbhEgJayWeAQURbPDAxJISQlP5-pYdOQCh23axriynEp6gMEn9q1vSzOWd6eONsSGsjaeuWbysM/s720/20.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjMjtKUbw4LVnKLv2ecjS4ciPLCxGJJPvzvmTbagmX30KDm4nApp3Mrb5SBYT9lQqJPXtEQCQ3hzJ-EhxWsToAzbezwtNYIJMFc3FoZxOfECXV66sBLQbhEgJayWeAQURbPDAxJISQlP5-pYdOQCh23axriynEp6gMEn9q1vSzOWd6eONsSGsjaeuWbysM/s16000/20.jpg" /></a></i></div><p><i>20 - Barrio Derechos Humanos, Tamaulipas - 2006<br />Un niño lleva leña a casa para la estufa.<br /></i></p><p><i><br /></i></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><i><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjyhEkXpKOQKWVWr8VXLlfh4A2g17_rMtZhksUzZamvI9vnvpX30EGYbtZftdmYVjFJJOLBN_M0trogiOKw5u3Uo1_y-OoyipyGIUJmLdyWdeyVmT303rQmJUfDYCgIZU34S4QWhANvI5kX7MwU-b73eGEs3rsHpEXmtSQfIPBE-96p4UWOQ8SFSag2ZnE/s720/21.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjyhEkXpKOQKWVWr8VXLlfh4A2g17_rMtZhksUzZamvI9vnvpX30EGYbtZftdmYVjFJJOLBN_M0trogiOKw5u3Uo1_y-OoyipyGIUJmLdyWdeyVmT303rQmJUfDYCgIZU34S4QWhANvI5kX7MwU-b73eGEs3rsHpEXmtSQfIPBE-96p4UWOQ8SFSag2ZnE/s16000/21.jpg" /></a></i></div><p><i>21 - San Francisco, California - 2016<br />Elvia Villescas es directora de Las Hormigas, un proyecto de organización comunitaria en un barrio de Ciudad Juárez en el que viven muchos trabajadoras de las maquiladoras:<br /><br />"Estamos ubicados en Anapra y Lomas de Poleo, comunidades muy marginadas de Ciudad Juárez, Chihuahua, en la frontera con Estados Unidos. Empezamos Las Hormigas para organizar proyectos educativos y de desarrollo humano. Anapra y Lomas de Poleo se hicieron famosas por la cantidad de cuerpos de mujeres encontrados allí durante los feminicidios. En ambos barrios hay muchas familias que perdieron una hija o una hermana que desapareció o fue asesinada.<br /><br />"Anapra es una comunidad que ha sido abandonada. En la superficie parece desarrollada. Está en una carretera grande, y camiones grandes pasan todo el tiempo hacia el cruce fronterizo. Hay algunos negocios grandes a lo largo de la carretera porque el gobierno ha abierto este espacio comercial para ellos, pero si caminas solo una o dos cuadras hacia el vecindario, verás una pobreza muy profunda.<br /><br />"Anapra tiene unos 20.000 habitantes. La gente que vive allí tiene grandes problemas de salud porque el saneamiento es muy malo. Muchas casas todavía no tienen alcantarillado ni desagüe, por lo que las aguas residuales se van a las calles. El gobierno no ha invertido dinero en las escuelas. Entonces, en ese sentido, hay mucha represión contra esta comunidad.<br /><br />"La mayoría de las personas que viven allí son migrantes y una gran cantidad trabaja en las maquiladoras. En Las Hormigas hemos hecho mini encuestas durante nuestros talleres, pidiéndoles a las personas que levanten la mano si trabajan en una maquila. Hay una gran necesidad en esta comunidad de educación, no de educación escolar, sino de educación en derechos y en solidaridad.<br /><br />"Los medios se niegan a sacar historias de este movimiento [las huelgas de Juárez de 2015] en las cuatro maquiladoras ni darle la importancia que se merece. En Commscope despidieron a 178 trabajadores, y hay cuatro maquilas donde ha pasado esto, pero la gente tiene poca información al respecto. Los que saben no quieren hablar porque temen que si dicen algo los identifiquen como alborotadores y las empresas los empiecen a vigilar.<br /><br />"Existe una lista con los nombres de los trabajadores que las empresas están observando y vigilando. Todo el tiempo hay amenazas, si haces algo que les desagrade, nunca obtendrás un trabajo en una maquiladora. Los trabajadores de las maquilas siempre están temerosos de hablar por que dicen que eso les llevaría a perder sus trabajos. Y a pesar de todo, el trabajo en una maquila todavía es visto como un trabajo con cierta estabilidad, aunque muy mal pagado, pero al menos te permite trabajar.<br /><br />"Los trabajadores están produciendo toda la riqueza pero reciben muy poco beneficio de ella, mientras que las empresas ganan mucho dinero. Las maquiladoras no permitirán que los trabajadores se organicen en sindicatos. Permitir eso significaría que tendrían que escucharlos y respetar sus derechos laborales y de salud. Las maquiladoras no tienen conciencia, no sienten que los trabajadores tengan derechos. Cumplen con lo mínimo que exige la ley, pero no tiene sentido que por tener miles de trabajadores les den mejores salarios o una clínica o una guardería para las trabajadoras.<br /><br />La gente está harta de los salarios. Con 170 pesos diarios no se puede comprar nada. Si vas a la tienda y compras tres o cuatro cosas, te gastas 500 pesos. Amo a mi país pero a veces me causa mucho dolor. Necesitamos despertar y reafirmar quienes somos. Tenemos que cambiar el rumbo de todo, de toda la corrupción. Es un momento muy importante. Este movimiento de trabajadores de las maquiladoras está dando un paso hacia delante, obligándonos a cuestionar quiénes somos. Es una señal muy alentadora de que las cosas pueden ser difíciles pero que sí lograremos ver un cambio.<br /><br />"Este movimiento de personas en las maquilas es muy importante. Tenemos que conocerlo y apoyarlo. Es el poder de la unidad contra el poder económico. Es algo increíble. Una unión con poder aquí haría una diferencia muy grande. Daría poder al pueblo, a los trabajadores. En lugar de solo trabajar para ganar sus 800 pesos, la gente sentiría que tiene la capacidad de tomar decisiones, de exigir lo que necesita. En este momento, si eres un trabajador y si necesitas a alguien que cuide a tu hijo, eso no significa nada para la maquiladora. Tú dices: 'Necesito que alguien cuide a mi bebé', pero la maquiladora no escucha tu voz. Pero si hay unión con la fuerza que da la unión la maquiladora tendrá que escuchar.<br /><br />"Amo a mi país, pero a veces me da mucho dolor. Necesitamos despertar y recuperar lo que somos. Tenemos que cambiar el rumbo que va todo, toda la corrupción. Es un momento muy importante. Este movimiento de trabajadores de las maquiladoras está dando el salto, haciéndonos cuestionar quiénes somos. Es una señal muy positiva de que las cosas pueden ser difíciles pero vamos a ver un cambio".</i><br /><br /></p>davidbaconhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/08469116035735786689noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3459520319181539184.post-67880588053933326672023-07-24T17:24:00.003-07:002023-07-25T20:26:02.597-07:00COMMUNITIES OF RESISTANCE ALONG THE BORDER<p>COMMUNITIES OF RESISTANCE ALONG THE BORDER<br />by David Bacon <br />Latin American Perspectives, March 2023<br /><a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/0094582X221149440">https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/0094582X221149440</a></p><p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgXY7ho0uYm9kYomNSqq8A46YKML7c_MGiqO8vDY4MLgG5DehGBCz5MQ9t_fmU6vQFhMc8kIeR6IAJOcQlglaTaO256bodPoBFHm-d9el8D6mruOEjzF2qWDpWlV-KgkejJbB8C2Xu3-M4A_gqAmPZPKsH0QjzwmrSu5SvRxNvwl88ObSc3aSH7fA4Iaak/s720/01.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgXY7ho0uYm9kYomNSqq8A46YKML7c_MGiqO8vDY4MLgG5DehGBCz5MQ9t_fmU6vQFhMc8kIeR6IAJOcQlglaTaO256bodPoBFHm-d9el8D6mruOEjzF2qWDpWlV-KgkejJbB8C2Xu3-M4A_gqAmPZPKsH0QjzwmrSu5SvRxNvwl88ObSc3aSH7fA4Iaak/s16000/01.jpg" /></a></div> <i><br />David Bacon is a photographer and writer who has documented the social movements on the Mexico/U.S. border for 30 years.. The photographs reproduced here are selected from the book "More Than a Wall/Mas que un muro" published by the Colegio de la Frontera Norte, Tijuana, Mexico, 2022. For more information about the book, write to dbacon@igc.org or click <a href="https://david-bacon-photography.square.site/product/more-than-a-wall-mas-que-un-muro/1?cp=true&sa=true&sbp=false&q=false">here</a></i><br /><br /><br />Over the past half century the once-small towns of Ciudad Juárez and Tijuana have become cities of millions. A huge part of the industrial workforce in the production and supply chain that delivers products to U.S. consumers lives not on the U.S. but on the Mexican side of the border, where people build homes out of cardboard and shipping pallets cast off by the maquiladoras and the dirt streets of their barrios often end at the border wall. <br /><br />Many neighborhoods have no sewers and flood when it rains. Electricity is stolen by hooking up to power lines, while drinking water comes in a truck and people must pay to fill the tanks in front of their homes. Often living conditions for poor and homeless people in border cities like Tijuana are no different from those endured by migrants who have crossed the border to live in the United States. <br /><br />In fact, most people living near the border in Mexico have no hope or expectation of crossing it. More than half of the border residents have no tourist visas or border-crossing cards. Instead they seek a way to earn a living and raise a family where they are. When the wages are low and the housing poor, they try to confront those conditions by changing them, not by crossing over to the other side. <br /><br />The border has therefore been the scene of some of Mexico's sharpest social struggles, and the photographs in this collection are an effort to document that social history. This upsurge is not new-it's been going on for more than a hundred years. For three decades I've taken photographs of workers' efforts to organize to resist the poverty that the border factory regime imposes, showing both the actions in the streets and the cost visible in the homes of workers, miners, and other people living throughout the border region. <br /><br />The border is a vast area with a vibrant social history. We need to see behind the superficial media coverage of the wall and people's efforts to get past it. The purpose of my photography in the border region is to provide a broader view historically, to make the invisible visible. The images have a sharp critical edge and are intended to provoke questions about the reality people experience living there. <br /><br />Maclovio Rojas, on the eastern edge of Tijuana, is home to 1,300 people. It is a community in resistance, first settled in 1988 by people who could find no other place to live in the rapidly expanding city. The land they settled on was unoccupied and belonged to the federal government. Under the old agrarian reform law, people were entitled to settle here and petition the government for formal ownership. Along the dirt roads that fan out like a grid from the highway, peoples' houses are made of old pallets, unfolded corrugated shipping cartons, and other castoffs from the factories. The community sits on a dry, flat, sandy lowland surrounded by treeless hills. <br /><br />The land here doesn't seem very desirable, but on the other side of a dirt road at the edge of town looms the maquiladora of the Hyundai Corporation, and just over the hill is the Florido Industrial Park. The North American Free Trade Agreement and a devalued peso inspired a building boom in Tijuana, and in a few decades a small, honky-tonk tourist town became home to hundreds of maquiladoras.<br /><br />The growth of the maquiladora industry transformed life for 2 million people who today live in the city. "Tijuana was created this way," explained Eduardo Badillo, general secretary of the Border Workers' Regional Support Committee, a community organization active in the city's barrios. "The government calls these settlements 'invasions,' and we call them 'possessions.' Whatever you call them, the law recognized our right to build homes on this land, because under the Constitution, it's our country." <br /><br />Land reform rights were weakened, however, by NAFTA-era changes to Mexico's constitution designed to make it easier for corporations like Hyundai to own land and protect their titles. After building their homes, the Yorbas, Tijuana's original landowners before the Revolution, claimed that the land was theirs. Residents viewed this as a thinly disguised means for Hyundai to gain possession. The family accused the community leader Hortensia Hernandez of illegally taking their land, and in 1995 she was arrested. <br /><br />Residents refused to abandon their homes, and the conflict grew. After five months in prison, the family couldn't come up with documents proving their title, and Hernandez was finally released. When she walked out of prison, she owed her freedom in large part to the Tijuana-based Border Workers Regional Support Committee and the San Diego-based Support Committee for Maquiladora Workers. Both groups helped organize a march from Tijuana to the state capital in Mexicali to demand her release. <br /><br />Maclovio Rojas became one of many communities like it along the border. Because they were created by land occupations by poor people, often workers from the maquiladoras, the communities' legal titles were almost always denied by governments anxious to protect investors. Facing efforts to drive them from their homes and off the land, they quickly became communities of resistance. Some were driven away, but others hung on despite the imprisonment of leaders and conflicts with police and golpeadores (thugs who beat people.) <br /><br />In the 1990s Maclovio Rojas was the scene of conflict like this, but today it is a much more peaceful place, and its residents over the years have forced local government to provide schools and a minimum level of services. The tradition of land occupation is still very much alive, however, and similar communities of resistance exist on the outskirts of almost every large city on the border. <br /><br />Cañon Buenavista is another community in resistance, created in two separate land invasions by rural workers from the ranches of Maneadero, the agricultural valley just south of Ensenada. The first was led by Benito García, a controversial figure among Oaxacan migrants. He was a charismatic leader of agricultural strikes in the early 1980s, later accused of misusing his authority. In the 1980s Garcia organized farmworkers in the Maneadero Valley who were living in labor camps or even sleeping by the roadside to occupy 50 hectares on a desert hillside south of town. The state government then bought out the people who claimed ownership of the land, and resold it to the occupiers through an agency called the Immobiliaria Estatal. <br /><br />Julio Sandoval arrived in Cañon Buenavista in 1990 and built a home there for his family. He had already led a similar movement in the San Quintín Valley of Baja California to organize a community of Triqui farmworkers called Nuevo San Juan Copala. The Confederación Independiente de Obreros Agrícolas y Campesinos, a radical rural organization founded by the Mexican Communist Party, led many of these fights, and its leader, Beatriz Chavez, was imprisoned for occupying land for homes. <br /><br />Sandoval got into trouble with the state authorities when he began telling Cañon Buenavista residents not to make payments on their lots. Immobiliaria Estatal had raised the sale price and payments for each lot, and many families never got out of debt. But Sandoval had discovered that in 1973 the federal government had declared tens of thousands of hectares in northern Baja, including the land Cañon Buenavista sits on, government property. As a result of a new land invasion, Cañon Buenavista's total population grew to 2,700 families -about 10,000 people, most of whom come from Mixtec and Triqui towns in Oaxaca. Sandoval, however, was accused of taking land by force and jailed in the state prison in Ensenada for two years. <br /><br />These are communities created by land hunger - people drawn to the border for work but with no provision for housing. To survive, many communities of resistance appealed for support from the Coalition for Justice in the Maquiladoras and other cross-border groups. The Frente Indígena de Organizaciones Binacionales also organized support for indigenous migrants, both in their towns of origin in Oaxaca, in the towns south of the border in Baja California, and in indigenous communities north of the border in California. <br /><br />At the other end of the border, near the city of Matamoros, maquiladora workers built the settlements of Derechos Humanos and Fuerza y Unidad. Outside of Nuevo Laredo, across the border from Texas, Blanca Navidad, like Cañon Buenavista, also linked itself to the movement for autonomous communities developed by the Zapatistas in Chiapas. <br /><br />After successfully resisting eviction by the state government of Tamaulipas in 2006, the autonomous indigenous communities of Chiapas sent 1,000 boxes of groceries to the people of Blanca Navidad in support of their north-south alliance. A year later the Zapatista Comandantes Eucaria, Miriam, and Zebedeo held a two-week exchange there and the community built a health center it called El Otro Caracol (The Other Snail). In that meeting Comandante Eucaria explained that women are critical to the survival of communities of resistance: <br /> <br />"As women, we are needed the most in the autonomous town. We start up projects like embroidering work, raising chickens, baking bread. Although we make very little money, we use it for the needs of our struggle, and if any is left over we invest it in mills for grinding masa. That way women will have more time to do other work. We make the decisions and no one can give us orders." <p></p><p> </p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgXY7ho0uYm9kYomNSqq8A46YKML7c_MGiqO8vDY4MLgG5DehGBCz5MQ9t_fmU6vQFhMc8kIeR6IAJOcQlglaTaO256bodPoBFHm-d9el8D6mruOEjzF2qWDpWlV-KgkejJbB8C2Xu3-M4A_gqAmPZPKsH0QjzwmrSu5SvRxNvwl88ObSc3aSH7fA4Iaak/s720/01.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgXY7ho0uYm9kYomNSqq8A46YKML7c_MGiqO8vDY4MLgG5DehGBCz5MQ9t_fmU6vQFhMc8kIeR6IAJOcQlglaTaO256bodPoBFHm-d9el8D6mruOEjzF2qWDpWlV-KgkejJbB8C2Xu3-M4A_gqAmPZPKsH0QjzwmrSu5SvRxNvwl88ObSc3aSH7fA4Iaak/s16000/01.jpg" /></a></div><br /><i>Figure 1. Maclovio Rojas, Tijuana, Baja California, 1996. The flag of the CIOAC flying at a gate into the community. On the other side of the road and fence are trailers manufactured in the Hyundai factory. Maclovio Rojas residents believed that the state government was trying to drive them off their land so that the industrial park could expand. </i><p><i> </i></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><i><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjatG8SqUPYpi19y3Wy4ZnexFC2dQaKfZTd_8UfCkMlvThdnTgJsEwUmbADIHYxIjro2S2-4hFQUyP8AvDVXPX3MMJrB69Aafphf-gC1Haj7_9fEH6Y6-vUEDZGV9lW6hTgS_aBl8uhxt1g_Z4kekFPQvnz_uCTCmtD-XRLvX0tx72_VwnrgpX_mr4KMSQ/s720/02.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjatG8SqUPYpi19y3Wy4ZnexFC2dQaKfZTd_8UfCkMlvThdnTgJsEwUmbADIHYxIjro2S2-4hFQUyP8AvDVXPX3MMJrB69Aafphf-gC1Haj7_9fEH6Y6-vUEDZGV9lW6hTgS_aBl8uhxt1g_Z4kekFPQvnz_uCTCmtD-XRLvX0tx72_VwnrgpX_mr4KMSQ/s16000/02.jpg" /></a></i></div><i> <br />Figure 2. Maclovio Rojas, Tijuana, Baja California, 1996. A sign at the entrance into Maclovio Rojas declaring it a civil organization and union of small landholders affiliated with the CIOAC. The CIOAC was organized by the Mexican Communist Party and other leftist activists to help small farmers and the rural poor defend their rights to land. By 1996 the original PCM no longer existed, but in Baja California its activists continued to help migrant workers organize, settle, and build homes. </i><p><i> </i></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><i><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhE6X-Gtf5g7qQw7RkcQ8lH74iL-vI2uTjvVH7PFVsxZKg3TtTtIaojyMT-PT29Hj8XgiOYDAe9510MNgSBh1CKtDWb43hE4y65_PyM4HddIVk-nYq-DaxOAK5FpZ5rJMmXH63oJnaVOWSExFg2NXP5H0mhNowuMNK52PvIbORol5b0ZupXEkCNTN6GWN8/s720/03.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhE6X-Gtf5g7qQw7RkcQ8lH74iL-vI2uTjvVH7PFVsxZKg3TtTtIaojyMT-PT29Hj8XgiOYDAe9510MNgSBh1CKtDWb43hE4y65_PyM4HddIVk-nYq-DaxOAK5FpZ5rJMmXH63oJnaVOWSExFg2NXP5H0mhNowuMNK52PvIbORol5b0ZupXEkCNTN6GWN8/s16000/03.jpg" /></a></i></div><i> <br />Figure 3. Maclovio Rojas, Tijuana, Baja California, 1996. Children playing with tires and milk crates in the dirt street. </i><p><i> </i></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><i><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgFJAa4LzX91AzLvk6cW9eKOOYchbMvCfTA_w95_nk6LW-Am-QFDjuqv1GRVGi-8ut7IaBgZxduLCOKLE4LzRZORtPewgUdbRxWZjWPTZg1n1s8E7wADkRTQV84_3Sab3vZQdp-Oh9xMWEVzoFu1rRzFPTJjli8--3v8F3yEI9ZUpVBMgVIbGx_VQY9MYg/s720/04.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgFJAa4LzX91AzLvk6cW9eKOOYchbMvCfTA_w95_nk6LW-Am-QFDjuqv1GRVGi-8ut7IaBgZxduLCOKLE4LzRZORtPewgUdbRxWZjWPTZg1n1s8E7wADkRTQV84_3Sab3vZQdp-Oh9xMWEVzoFu1rRzFPTJjli8--3v8F3yEI9ZUpVBMgVIbGx_VQY9MYg/s16000/04.jpg" /></a></i></div><i> <br />Figure 4. Maclovio Rojas, Tijuana, Baja California, 1996. Residents listening to Hortensia Hernandez speak after she was released from prison, where she had been held for leading the struggle to gain their land rights. "I've lived in Tijuana for 21 years, and 9 years here in Maclovio Rojas," she told them. "We're fighting to keep our 197 hectares. This is an industrial zone. They've told us that they've committed this area to transnational corporations. The freeway is going to come through here, so the land has become very valuable. But we're not going to cede one centimeter. <br /><br />"The state government wanted to gain possession of the land, but when they saw that we weren't going to give it up they began to fabricate accusations against us, especially despojo de instigación [provoking an illegal occupation]. Here in Baja California, when they accuse you of this, there's no bail, but we were able to prove that we were innocent and that the accusations had been fabricated. We showed that these were federal lands, and I was released. The state government sees that they can't do much to us because of the resistance we've put up. <br /><br />"I was in jail for five months. In the penitentiary a day felt like a year. This prison is a place of perdition. The people held there, instead of being rehabilitated, leave in a much worse state, in which they've deteriorated morally and physically. <br /><br />"People here are poor and often don't even have anything to eat. With no support from the government to make this land productive, people have to work in the maquiladoras to survive. Over half the people in Maclovio Rojas are workers in various factories. Many work at Hyundai. When some were unjustly fired from the Laymex factory they decided to organize a strike. We went to support them-one of the reasons I was detained." </i><p><i> </i></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><i><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh_FB2mkCKwbaz4l9YdDrm_5g_dPBGlaAKte5Kh-d3v3B-MrEtOwFTdj8H75Uqe5Ywyib6m_O51krVsyhks7ujhvHqwuTX8ZL8edDDiFc4M1OwZ26C7jaJ9p-2Qn8DBW8MWD41ThiU-PT2tLORiB2FmiF35Lm1nx9sKz41aV0Fnnj4qZ3tQoql0eUJyp7k/s720/05.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh_FB2mkCKwbaz4l9YdDrm_5g_dPBGlaAKte5Kh-d3v3B-MrEtOwFTdj8H75Uqe5Ywyib6m_O51krVsyhks7ujhvHqwuTX8ZL8edDDiFc4M1OwZ26C7jaJ9p-2Qn8DBW8MWD41ThiU-PT2tLORiB2FmiF35Lm1nx9sKz41aV0Fnnj4qZ3tQoql0eUJyp7k/s16000/05.jpg" /></a></i></div><i> <br />Figure 5. Cañon Buenavista, Baja California, 2002. The town merging into the surrounding desert hills. </i><p><i> </i></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><i><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjXtYeBQlO00Pi93M41vRmi4jRBPRnO4LMC7D4NimKLJmtpSCbsHTrBiYnsjyVv2FyFeZCKmNVMfI1JtaInoYJzK5_DRjwnVDi7xh0gXEy1urzYP0t6f1fPdbCNzjB_dojBgYQh1wwOdzvLiE1pfTq8BAINOCp0TUSkpX3fkodjJT-TNT4xl1PjZ1NKq7c/s720/06.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjXtYeBQlO00Pi93M41vRmi4jRBPRnO4LMC7D4NimKLJmtpSCbsHTrBiYnsjyVv2FyFeZCKmNVMfI1JtaInoYJzK5_DRjwnVDi7xh0gXEy1urzYP0t6f1fPdbCNzjB_dojBgYQh1wwOdzvLiE1pfTq8BAINOCp0TUSkpX3fkodjJT-TNT4xl1PjZ1NKq7c/s16000/06.jpg" /></a></i></div><i> <br />Figure 6. Cañon Buenavista, Baja California, 2002. Esther Murillo, a member of one of the 20 families that first occupied 78 hectares in the hills surrounding Cañon Buenavista. They chose May 1, the international workers' holiday, as the day for their action. "There were only 30 of us at first, and the police surrounded us," she remembered. "They said they were going to burn the houses we built, but 20 of us stayed up and watched all night. We had our children inside, and we were afraid of what might happen to them. But we were all calm and wouldn't move, so there were no physical confrontations. At first there were 40 houses, a week later 50. Now there are about 500. But for a long time the police kept coming every night to scare us." <br /><br />Murillo had no money to pay rent or buy land. Making 50-70 pesos (US$5-7) a day in the fields and working only during the harvest season, she couldn't survive. "We're poor. So what were we going to do?" she asks. Once they occupied the land, however, she and her fellow residents were in for a surprise. "This was just a hillside covered with weeds, full of snakes and tarantulas, and we cleaned it all up, but then, after we'd done the work, a lot of supposed owners suddenly appeared." </i><p><i> </i></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><i><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiJ1oeiv1Znn6ZoOka0nHKqHzljhec1AZBDBR3M8F39TJuq7rpWZ9zG3p5UJa5rwmwop6AENXDlDGIZJ_FZy1QAw41CjI5mfUJJfhkaKPrVdSnq3bRWZMeeA2DEhpx8_yQGEoh-OW8mOSMtLbJKDTnCH3zh0yPRbo9cbfxKG5vYcih11D9Ds11bFSZjKeA/s720/07.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiJ1oeiv1Znn6ZoOka0nHKqHzljhec1AZBDBR3M8F39TJuq7rpWZ9zG3p5UJa5rwmwop6AENXDlDGIZJ_FZy1QAw41CjI5mfUJJfhkaKPrVdSnq3bRWZMeeA2DEhpx8_yQGEoh-OW8mOSMtLbJKDTnCH3zh0yPRbo9cbfxKG5vYcih11D9Ds11bFSZjKeA/s16000/07.jpg" /></a></i></div><i> <br />Figure 7. Cañon Buenavista, Baja California. 2002. Juana Sandoval, the wife of imprisoned community leader Julio Sandoval, heating tortillas on a stove set up on cinder blocks and connected by a rubber hose to a big propane bottle that the family has to fill twice a month. Their one large room is dim even at midday, but their home is better than many in Cañon Buenavista. "Some of us live in cardboard houses and cook on wood fires, a very dangerous combination," Julio said in a phone interview from prison. An exterior plywood wall was charred in one such fire, which burned down the home next door. </i><p><i> </i></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><i><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgpf8KOCiKkIUrHVg61K-7MPAWvo7SovPXf3vhWpeYwrMsPbmrZbakqGoUtVVr9Cq_UXU2lZya6B34yo_etb8plK78vzZSxeIOdWzumJ4JhJy-VpcNj-4qJlPuaMkpZjjtZ05fUwNqgbVSg-DCQ5LEai-Xcv1Hc-fGsCDyoeTqB7C_QdPXDmmCj85_ge-I/s720/08.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgpf8KOCiKkIUrHVg61K-7MPAWvo7SovPXf3vhWpeYwrMsPbmrZbakqGoUtVVr9Cq_UXU2lZya6B34yo_etb8plK78vzZSxeIOdWzumJ4JhJy-VpcNj-4qJlPuaMkpZjjtZ05fUwNqgbVSg-DCQ5LEai-Xcv1Hc-fGsCDyoeTqB7C_QdPXDmmCj85_ge-I/s16000/08.jpg" /></a></i></div><i> <br />Figure 8. Cañon Buenavista, Baja California, 2002. Residents husking tomatillos for very low pay from the big Herdez canning plant in Ensenada. </i><p><i> </i></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><i><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg4auxQ5uk_aSIoNXmY6z2PhhaBhJo4x46O06kT2o4lTQHqFXV5uDZb0g8ZgfTZArkxfM7eKfvS7-itSK6wOtANtBHlDyFarxJvE6-skpwLc0CG7BSDq3ID-1GiQoU_FR1f1f2BoFeN0dcy7WpNk1ctxcqR6UPs5yfST6hIHul330CYy_uA142kM237Y7A/s720/09.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg4auxQ5uk_aSIoNXmY6z2PhhaBhJo4x46O06kT2o4lTQHqFXV5uDZb0g8ZgfTZArkxfM7eKfvS7-itSK6wOtANtBHlDyFarxJvE6-skpwLc0CG7BSDq3ID-1GiQoU_FR1f1f2BoFeN0dcy7WpNk1ctxcqR6UPs5yfST6hIHul330CYy_uA142kM237Y7A/s16000/09.jpg" /></a></i></div><i> <br />Figure 9. Cañon Buenavista, Baja California, 2002. Residents talking and joking to make the time pass while they work husking tomatillos. </i><p><i> </i></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><i><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh-ZGSzXD8t_hEL_bqi6mB5ap22gw3tQWWCo4XS8yiKZz7y2ZOQwzi2jMTh5DZTpNqHCbblqyiWqtqQxdFNvX9elB1n-bvZnPXedtrkwwn1HpHtU44k3r4rIk9skMp9mUC4QViTt3uCHLMkU3j4ijTS1DqXLsXV71HioJ7cWorM56S0sE484_ZVYSBEvmk/s720/10.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh-ZGSzXD8t_hEL_bqi6mB5ap22gw3tQWWCo4XS8yiKZz7y2ZOQwzi2jMTh5DZTpNqHCbblqyiWqtqQxdFNvX9elB1n-bvZnPXedtrkwwn1HpHtU44k3r4rIk9skMp9mUC4QViTt3uCHLMkU3j4ijTS1DqXLsXV71HioJ7cWorM56S0sE484_ZVYSBEvmk/s16000/10.jpg" /></a></i></div><i> <br />Figure 10. Blanca Navidad, Tamaulipas, 2006. Community leader Blanca Enriquez working in the community garden. Before building the garden and a community health center, she said, "We had nothing. When the government tried to evict us all we had left were tarps and poles, and a few blankets. The majority of us in this colonia work in the maquiladoras, but regardless of where we work we are from this community, and we all are equal." </i><p><i> </i></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><i><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjN0_z5kJKNDTvOy9hWFM0eA3YbnTxZGiTB4jeV132L1tgLgp8Xc-_t0vf8QlhJCkcPhkwJ2h1H9gf12OJ9jmzIDIeSCzqr2NLwfBHn0QQWtMXHwkxjsgUC8Nd0EULc-6lT2OKRHP66ePcbYJnpywwBHzw6MkwxosOYtI2eK-eq1wijYuOGektZaNXH2sk/s720/11.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjN0_z5kJKNDTvOy9hWFM0eA3YbnTxZGiTB4jeV132L1tgLgp8Xc-_t0vf8QlhJCkcPhkwJ2h1H9gf12OJ9jmzIDIeSCzqr2NLwfBHn0QQWtMXHwkxjsgUC8Nd0EULc-6lT2OKRHP66ePcbYJnpywwBHzw6MkwxosOYtI2eK-eq1wijYuOGektZaNXH2sk/s16000/11.jpg" /></a></i></div><i> <br />Figure 11. Blanca Navidad, Tamaulipas, 2006. A family inside its home, which has a dirt floor and plywood walls salvaged from construction in the factories. Colonias like Blanca Navidad have been called "lost cities"-places, according to the journalist Javier Hernández Alpízar, "where excluded Mexicans live, stripped of their right to housing." In acute contrast, not far from the colonia is the bridge crossing the border to the United States known as the World Trade International Bridge. </i><p><i> </i></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><i><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjEWsixZov4FLqWv6cGpZ6I88yy1XUBhEbOco4Kcj9bogwUJNv4aUjQ2ol40o0eHd5J-Snb2Zl77Vl-3a-HEE2CVktAC3AFKKkHnc7N07jSxDVZET65xu4kkMcoi4zsaR86jOzeRECfeSol9CT5gUZVvn8h71953QqDDUsbpOa0tJ20UMV7CYEGmhpIBxg/s720/12.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjEWsixZov4FLqWv6cGpZ6I88yy1XUBhEbOco4Kcj9bogwUJNv4aUjQ2ol40o0eHd5J-Snb2Zl77Vl-3a-HEE2CVktAC3AFKKkHnc7N07jSxDVZET65xu4kkMcoi4zsaR86jOzeRECfeSol9CT5gUZVvn8h71953QqDDUsbpOa0tJ20UMV7CYEGmhpIBxg/s16000/12.jpg" /></a></i></div><i> <br />Figure 12. Blanca Navidad, Tamaulipas, 2006. The extended family of a maquiladora worker. In 2006 the people of the Blanca Navidad community were brutally evicted when Nuevo Laredo's mayor sent in tractors to demolish their houses; many houses were burned, leaving women and children with nothing. When El Mañana exposed the local government and supported the community in its struggle for its land, the newspaper office was bombed and a reporter was seriously injured. Those responsible for the bombing were never identified. </i><p><i> </i></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><i><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgFh-NsizVk2c1AuYeM9i_TPDrThF-sHV9AThZioXjWF3WevCawu8Mi_oFUta1D-Sd5fuD45057eeBW11iPfjuL-_D6jomMV-m7XvIa4SpCLKIy-o230ROjJgztts4SKc4095g1NIY1YfZKcgMgvVfENwgbRUUImrQNyzzKlu8iqPTb6N9qyCOrw3-7dIM/s720/13.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgFh-NsizVk2c1AuYeM9i_TPDrThF-sHV9AThZioXjWF3WevCawu8Mi_oFUta1D-Sd5fuD45057eeBW11iPfjuL-_D6jomMV-m7XvIa4SpCLKIy-o230ROjJgztts4SKc4095g1NIY1YfZKcgMgvVfENwgbRUUImrQNyzzKlu8iqPTb6N9qyCOrw3-7dIM/s16000/13.jpg" /></a></i></div><i> <br />Figure 13. Blanca Navidad, Tamaulipas, 2006. A little girl holding her pet cat in front of her house. </i><p><i> </i></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><i><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi4ya6OHrvZ6Fo42DsO2DxiQRa3M6msfjddMkZrgbzq1IfzAwrw4AGZOCL0IlJUq2KfKwf5pvTM0CL8icuXTEab9BbVW8_Q93TdGHSfOp3iHDsTqpxc575EYpJFDJbDb_ao9D8TEZhFy96F31FAne4GJRkGVE_DQXi_Uld5O_3k4cVUMl1Vat7Svit16iE/s720/14.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="720" data-original-width="483" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi4ya6OHrvZ6Fo42DsO2DxiQRa3M6msfjddMkZrgbzq1IfzAwrw4AGZOCL0IlJUq2KfKwf5pvTM0CL8icuXTEab9BbVW8_Q93TdGHSfOp3iHDsTqpxc575EYpJFDJbDb_ao9D8TEZhFy96F31FAne4GJRkGVE_DQXi_Uld5O_3k4cVUMl1Vat7Svit16iE/s16000/14.jpg" /></a></i></div><i> <br />Figure 14. La Alianza, Nuevo León, 2001. Electric wires illegally hooked up to the main line half a mile away snaking into the barrio of La Alianza. The city of Monterrey provides no services to many barrios of maquiladora workers like this one while providing investment and support to developers of the industrial parks where the workers are employed. </i><p><i> </i></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><i><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgnV7KTXSlLXMktXG5jezZHxgZORlqEOtU85bzubLNxXn8HIJBbCy5KZRchig-UWr_ZssTsRGeVRbcebHdAg-iFeh1hRqJgSHj12ko8ZegyeRdoi3btRBbMBhZDHSXUbP2UE_wc4GijmTQ38KRxErbn4OS_t3iEAHaulEaa_H8bK4i2GdEKsHTPikSFQDc/s720/15.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgnV7KTXSlLXMktXG5jezZHxgZORlqEOtU85bzubLNxXn8HIJBbCy5KZRchig-UWr_ZssTsRGeVRbcebHdAg-iFeh1hRqJgSHj12ko8ZegyeRdoi3btRBbMBhZDHSXUbP2UE_wc4GijmTQ38KRxErbn4OS_t3iEAHaulEaa_H8bK4i2GdEKsHTPikSFQDc/s16000/15.jpg" /></a></i></div><i> <br />Figure 15. La Alianza, Nuevo León, 2001. A woman leaning on her shovel in front of her home, the walls of which have been assembled out of metal plates, bedsprings, and salvaged wood. </i><p><i> </i></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><i><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjfUqGE913csfuoBaeQwhtF9Zkkcc8kEWwnrguL_XgktT1likgW2zQXKXn67a59rqeKjW753wSUw1mMkA-3VesLCH9kqnieSXo5Fxk39wmam1FZkRQvLsO_4POklHC0zVezV48W5T2AHPDx0bLBeFUsQwbtGY10C-S7M756MaaTKh1FMev-mKSBgbYkEOA/s720/16.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjfUqGE913csfuoBaeQwhtF9Zkkcc8kEWwnrguL_XgktT1likgW2zQXKXn67a59rqeKjW753wSUw1mMkA-3VesLCH9kqnieSXo5Fxk39wmam1FZkRQvLsO_4POklHC0zVezV48W5T2AHPDx0bLBeFUsQwbtGY10C-S7M756MaaTKh1FMev-mKSBgbYkEOA/s16000/16.jpg" /></a></i></div><i> <br />Figure 16. La Alianza, Nuevo León, 2001. A placard from a recent election reading "The vote is free and secret." One of the strongest defenders of the residents of La Alianza and of poor barrio residents in Monterrey generally was Ignacio Zapata, who challenged fraudulent elections that kept the parties of poor and working-class people out of power.<br /><br />Zapata helped found organizations like the Alliance of the Users of Public Services, which fought for electricity, water, and municipal services in La Alianza and other barrios, and the Binational Pro-Bracero Alliance, which fought to recover the money taken from the pay of bracero migrants in the United States from the 1940s to the early 1960s. <br /><br />Originally a believer in liberation theology, he joined the Mexican Communist Party, later helped organize the Mexican Socialist Party (the precursor of the Party of the Democratic Revolution), and supported the 2006 presidential campaign of Andrés Manuel López Obrador, who was elected President of Mexico as the candidate of the Movimiento Regeneracion Nacional in 2018. </i><p><i> </i></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><i><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgQ9tRHdovT02Wezm446skyfyn57_cfV45U8f3p_XdeEZmAHG0nGLv-tIWyn1aNUS5w9KNw8smuVG9YHrz4JTn_SiCWDIoSGdr9rMaKl5464PtTV7lPdtfJXD5W4yeU9YRXUkkTJ388caeYBFExyt2VLaQkXC4ehAa5Ry1Cn5m6rLBiyG0gyj9BiFBBNRY/s720/17.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgQ9tRHdovT02Wezm446skyfyn57_cfV45U8f3p_XdeEZmAHG0nGLv-tIWyn1aNUS5w9KNw8smuVG9YHrz4JTn_SiCWDIoSGdr9rMaKl5464PtTV7lPdtfJXD5W4yeU9YRXUkkTJ388caeYBFExyt2VLaQkXC4ehAa5Ry1Cn5m6rLBiyG0gyj9BiFBBNRY/s16000/17.jpg" /></a></i></div><i> <br />Figure 17. Derechos Humanos, Tamaulipas, 2006. Buses waiting to take residents of Derechos Humanos and Fuerza y Libertad to the factories where many work and to the bridge where they cross the Rio Grande to Brownsville, Texas. </i><p><i> </i></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><i><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgvId5lgHspUpqUc1bsJgstzfXuZd7ysuM4cx6AeoiK8VGNa-s9t-PBAj68PjY6dZZIAaihwJvBXrAK6QDw1naZFVFW5tIR4f62AHGPEmwLRBVXHXDv9egQNw6yc-j1UVn9ka01zj_519R5PMunVshSBYetOg8i1WhHGMX3Nc8c9tIRgtE4l5BdPD55R90/s720/18.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgvId5lgHspUpqUc1bsJgstzfXuZd7ysuM4cx6AeoiK8VGNa-s9t-PBAj68PjY6dZZIAaihwJvBXrAK6QDw1naZFVFW5tIR4f62AHGPEmwLRBVXHXDv9egQNw6yc-j1UVn9ka01zj_519R5PMunVshSBYetOg8i1WhHGMX3Nc8c9tIRgtE4l5BdPD55R90/s16000/18.jpg" /></a></i></div><i> <br />Figure 18. Derechos Humanos, Tamaulipas, 2006. A small business run from home, selling buns, chocobananas, and tostada snacks. </i><p><i> </i></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><i><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi3Mw5eiTBYs-VJ3KIrxkghIPZyvKh8HQP_oOF5xAg3y4Kmdmd6PamSUKDmnTIpu8KITDikNG5OA9URl0LYPbQS77wD3W5LKCQWlGVIrugaZiNyelkDmPWWrFZQpMjli5ugTw7viX9L8lVsMS6eJwLABCeVspTMzwWwX0mQSJlr-qmXxhPMXs2We8n4yqU/s720/19.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi3Mw5eiTBYs-VJ3KIrxkghIPZyvKh8HQP_oOF5xAg3y4Kmdmd6PamSUKDmnTIpu8KITDikNG5OA9URl0LYPbQS77wD3W5LKCQWlGVIrugaZiNyelkDmPWWrFZQpMjli5ugTw7viX9L8lVsMS6eJwLABCeVspTMzwWwX0mQSJlr-qmXxhPMXs2We8n4yqU/s16000/19.jpg" /></a></i></div><i> <br />Figure 19. Derechos Humanos, Tamaulipas, 2006. A boy jumping across a rickety bridge over a polluted canal near the U.S. border. The canal, which is contaminated by toxic chemicals dumped by the factories, runs alongside homes. Residents built the bridge to get from one part of the neighborhood to another. </i><p><i> </i></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><i><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjIB9-oKPIjWstNPqSyUc2YTvJInMwNnCV4XR0yWj7nBJ3e_RVK9e3nzjj21bKMYiu-RI6OWmQaBh-L8ojGDyimQykJzMqw-doNmsXM8S4bQQi0VdOJmnrJ6cdicOqYXttzhBg_VGl_x9PH2GqdYn8omh9xgPrj2D5FL0SNmTBPwsxW5hM0gfZqDuMbh_k/s720/20.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjIB9-oKPIjWstNPqSyUc2YTvJInMwNnCV4XR0yWj7nBJ3e_RVK9e3nzjj21bKMYiu-RI6OWmQaBh-L8ojGDyimQykJzMqw-doNmsXM8S4bQQi0VdOJmnrJ6cdicOqYXttzhBg_VGl_x9PH2GqdYn8omh9xgPrj2D5FL0SNmTBPwsxW5hM0gfZqDuMbh_k/s16000/20.jpg" /></a></i></div><i> <br />Figure 20. Derechos Humanos, Tamaulipas, 2006. A boy bringing home wood for the stove. </i><p><i> </i></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><i><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgcD5evieykuT9pL1C2LhCE3EM8wqdzkBFZnY2BbBCdSYurDAIMMgoxyhYR1voBD1ybFcCoByqmdxSeSuFAUouGJjA_9W1n_iKBgvomTEUNfPsTXeqSf_lHHIvCSYexs-SJw8tlP9GHQhk1wCeS9w6nj38p0Hq4rkyYQ67NpEhrh9DgYSmxfHE2vSg4PpI/s720/21.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgcD5evieykuT9pL1C2LhCE3EM8wqdzkBFZnY2BbBCdSYurDAIMMgoxyhYR1voBD1ybFcCoByqmdxSeSuFAUouGJjA_9W1n_iKBgvomTEUNfPsTXeqSf_lHHIvCSYexs-SJw8tlP9GHQhk1wCeS9w6nj38p0Hq4rkyYQ67NpEhrh9DgYSmxfHE2vSg4PpI/s16000/21.jpg" /></a></i></div><i> <br />Figure 21. San Francisco, California, 2016. Elvia Villescas, the director of Las Hormigas, a community organizing project in a neighborhood of Ciudad Juárez where many maquiladora workers live. She describes her community as follows: <br /><br />"We're located in Anapra and Lomas de Poleo, very marginalized communities in Ciudad Juárez, Chihuahua, on the U.S. border. We began Las Hormigas to organize educational and human development projects. Anapra and Lomas de Poleo became famous because of the number of women's bodies found there during the feminicides. In both neighborhoods there are many families that had lost a daughter or a sister who disappeared or was murdered. <br /><br />"Anapra is a community that has been abandoned. On the surface it looks developed. It's on a big highway, and big trucks go by all the time to the border crossing. There are some big businesses along the highway because the government has opened this commercial space for them, but if you walk just one or two blocks into the neighborhood you'll see very deep poverty. <br /><br />"Anapra has about 20,000 inhabitants. People living there have big health problems because the sanitation is so bad. Many homes still have no sewers or drains, so the wastewater runs into the streets. The government hasn't invested money in the schools. So in that sense, there is a lot of repression against this community. <br /><br />"The majority of the people living there are migrants, and a great number work in the maquiladoras. In Las Hormigas we've done mini-surveys during our workshops, asking people to raise their hands if they work in a maquila. Out of 30 people, 10 or 12 will raise their hands. So imagine that in Anapra 30 or 40 percent of the people living there work in a maquila. There's a great need in this community for education-not schoolbook education but education in rights and solidarity. <br /><br />"The media refuse to carry stories about this movement [the Juarez strikes of 2015] in the four maquiladoras or treat it with the importance it deserves. In Commscope 178 workers were fired, and there are four maquilas where this has happened, but people have little information about this. Those who do know about it don't want to talk because they're afraid that if they say anything they'll be identified as troublemakers and the companies will start watching them. <br /><br />"There is a list of workers whom the companies are watching and following. There are threats all the time that if you do something they don't like, you'll never get a job in a maquiladora. Workers in the maquilas are always very afraid that anything they say may lead to losing their jobs, and a maquila job is still seen as a job with some security-very poorly paid but at least you're working. <br /><br />"The workers are producing all the wealth but receive very little benefit from it, while the companies make a lot of money. The maquiladoras will not permit workers to organize unions. To allow that would mean that they would have listen to them and respect their labor and health rights. The maquiladoras have no conscience, no sense that workers have rights. They comply with the minimum that the law demands, but there's no sense that because they have thousands of workers they should give them better wages or a clinic or a child care center for the women workers. <br /><br />"People are tired of the wages. At 170 pesos a day you can't buy anything. You go to the store and buy three or four things and you've spent 500 pesos. But I think that in Mexico generally there is also an exhaustion that has grown and grown. People have grown tired of seeing so many abuses tolerated by those who are on top, whether it's a maquiladora or the authorities. The demand is growing that they begin to respect people's rights. This process has developed over a long time, and we're reaching the limit. That's important, because for so many years we've been living with everything. <br /><br />"This movement of people in the maquilas is very important. We have to know about it and support it. It is the power of unity against the economic power. It's something incredible. A union with power here would make a very big difference. It would give power to the people, to the workers. Instead of just working to earn their 800 pesos people would feel that they have the ability to make decisions, to demand what they need. Right now, if you are a worker and if you need someone to take care of your child, that means nothing to the maquiladora. You say, 'I need someone to take care of my baby,' but the maquiladora doesn't hear your voice. But if there's a union with the strength that comes from unity the maquiladora will have to listen. <br /><br />"I love my country, but sometimes it gives me great pain. We need to wake up and recover who we are. We have to change the direction everything is going, all the corruption. It's a very important moment. This movement of maquiladora workers is taking the leap, making us question who we are. It's a very positive signal that things may be difficult but we are going to see a change." </i><br /><p></p>davidbaconhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/08469116035735786689noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3459520319181539184.post-82456307134533616362023-07-18T21:17:00.005-07:002023-07-18T21:17:47.002-07:00WHERE DISCRIMINATION FLOURISHED LIKE MUSHROOMS<p>WHERE DISCRIMINATION FLOURISHED LIKE MUSHROOMS<br />By David Bacon<br />The American Prospect / Capitol & Main - 6/23/23</p><p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjPR8EK6XR80h4zISt7a9swYgMMlks90YfNJxZEN5Y2oMsl5ivmyI4TP4mxABpvBM9as8WxC2WwRauDCToONoNxBA0tP9MGTqNBBSMmNjyNy2LSdmmpx1oUhuDRLqEYrgb7sB0DKVJcTcz-IUPqpb2fh5iskLc0xej1MmbS3rRVYsC-pfm50jCvsVozxhs/s720/strater%20image%20sm.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjPR8EK6XR80h4zISt7a9swYgMMlks90YfNJxZEN5Y2oMsl5ivmyI4TP4mxABpvBM9as8WxC2WwRauDCToONoNxBA0tP9MGTqNBBSMmNjyNy2LSdmmpx1oUhuDRLqEYrgb7sB0DKVJcTcz-IUPqpb2fh5iskLc0xej1MmbS3rRVYsC-pfm50jCvsVozxhs/s16000/strater%20image%20sm.jpg" /></a></div> <br /><i>Company housing provided to H-2A mushroom workers. Photo courtesy Elizabeth Strater.</i><br /><br /><br />Mushrooms grown for the supermarket thrive on a mixture of straw and manure. Huge piles of it are heated to prepare the growth media, spreading the pungent stink of ammonia through the barns. Metal trays, covered with the resulting dark soil, are stacked high into the sheds' moist darkness. Soon the familiar round white caps appear. Workers enter and cut their stems, placing them in 10-pound boxes. Runners ferry them out to a checker, where they're weighed and counted.<br /><br />An individual mushroom is very light, so picking 68 pounds an hour, as Ostrom Mushroom Farms demanded, meant working like a demon in the dark. "It's really hard," according to Jose Martinez, a fired Ostrom worker. "The smell was terrible. There were chemicals in the growing mix, which made it smell even worse, and they wouldn't tell us what they were. The foreman would joke, 'Don't worry, you won't die!' If a picker protested, a supervisor would tell her, 'If you don't like it, there's the door!'"<br /><br />Last year the company did show the door to dozens of its workers, replacing experienced women pickers with crews of men. And in May Washington State's Attorney General, Bob Ferguson, found these firings constituted massive violations of worker protection regulations. He forced Ostrom into a record $3.4 million settlement. "It's obvious what they did," Ferguson told a May 17 news conference. "They're not paying $3.4 million to the state of Washington unless they did something wrong." Ostrom's money will pay damages to 170 of its former workers.<br /><br />The Ostrom case is historic, not just because workers were fired as a result of sex discrimination, protests and failure to meet production quotas. The company used contract laborers on H-2A temporary visas to replace them. "This settlement validates what we've been saying for years," charges worker advocate Rosalinda Guillen, a member of the state commission formed to monitor the negative impact of the controversial H-2A visa program. "It is inherently abusive both to the workers brought to the U.S., and to the local workers the companies replace. It's not called 'close to slavery' for nothing."<br /><br />Ostrom has gone out of business, so no representative could be reached for comment for this article. <br /><br />* * * <br /><br />Ostrom began operating a mushroom shed in Sunnyside, a small farmworker town in the Yakima Valley, in 2019. Martinez went to work there soon after, fabricating the metal growing trays. "I saw women crying because of the way they were mistreated," he recalls. "Supervisors threatened them to get them to work faster. They were afraid they'd lose their jobs."<br /><br />Martinez and organizers for the United Farm Workers began holding meetings to talk about forming a union. "People started to lose their fear," he says. "At first there were seven at a meeting, then fourteen, then more. We talked about the low wages, and about fighting for our rights." Workers were particularly incensed, he says, when the production quota was raised to 65 pounds an hour. Their protests briefly got it lowered to 50.<br /><br />Then Ostrom began bringing in H-2A workers. Under that program, growers and labor contractors can recruit workers in countries like Mexico and bring them to work in the United States for a period of less than a year. Growers must file an application to bring the workers in, called an H-2A Agricultural Clearance Order.<br /><br />The company's H-2A Agricultural Clearance Order, filed with the U.S. Department of Labor, called for 70 workers who would start on December 15, 2021, and return to Mexico after August 15, 2022. They'd be paid $16.32 per hour, or a piece rate of 23¢ per pound. To earn more than the hourly wage at that piece rate, the H-2A laborers would have to pick over 71 pounds per hour. <br /><br />In the Clearance Order the company said that meeting the 71 pound quota "is a requirement to hold the position of full time Harvester." To ensure they had a crew able to do it, Ostrom's labor contractor, H2 Visa Solutions, hired young men almost exclusively. Under the visa program rules, these workers could only work for Ostrom, and the company could fire them for any reason, including failure to meet the quota. Terminated workers have to leave the country immediately, and are routinely blacklisted by recruiters, who deny them work in following years.<br /><br />According to the Attorney General's complaint, from January to May, 2022, the company employed 180 local workers, mostly women, who lived in the Sunnyside area. Starting in December, 2021, three month before the H-2A workers arrived, "managers began calling domestic [local] pickers into one-on-one meetings in which the domestic pickers were told they were not meeting production minimums, and would be receiving a warning along with a three-day, unpaid suspension if their performance did not improve. The pickers were told they would be fired if they did not meet the production minimum within a week of returning from the three-day suspension."<br /><br />The quota for the mostly-women local workforce was increased from 62.5 to 68 pounds per hour. At the same time, the company stopped letting workers know their actual production rate. Pickers often have to clean the growing rooms and dispose of garbage, but time spent doing this work was counted as though it was time spent picking, and subject to the quota. "It was very stressful," Martinez says. "The company used the pressure of the H-2A workers, right next to the local workers. They told the H-2A workers not to talk with us. Almost all were indigenous people from Guerrero and Chiapas, and many didn't speak Spanish."<br /><br />The complaint charges the local workers were given written warnings, suspended, and then terminated. "Female domestic pickers received these warnings and unpaid suspensions more frequently than their male counterparts and were therefore terminated at a higher rate than their male counterparts ... At least some female pickers believed that [Ostrom] instituted these changes in order to have a reason to suspend and terminate workers who they wanted to force out ... From early 2021 to May 2022, [Ostrom] terminated approximately 79% of their domestic pickers and 85% of their female pickers."<br /><br />* * *<br /><br />Under the visa program rules, Ostrom had to give hiring preference to local workers. Before bringing H-2A workers, it was required to advertise the jobs to the local community, and had to pay local workers at the same rate. But while paying a guaranteed $17.41 per hour to the contracted laborers, it paid a lower wage to local residents. While Ostrom's public advertisements, and even the Clearance Order, required a minimum of three months experience, few of the H-2A workers met the bar. Local applicants were rejected if they didn't meet it, however. <br /><br />The company's Facebook job advertisement, the only outreach effort it made, said it would hire "solo personal masculino," - only male personnel. According to attorney Edgar Aguilasocho, vice president at Martinez Aguilasocho Law Inc. and general counsel for the UFW Foundation, the hiring process has to be approved by the Washington State Employment Security Department, and then the employer simply self-reports the results. "It's strange the petition [for H-2A visas] was approved," he says. "Many domestic workers applied and were denied." Ostrom reported hiring four local women while hiring 65 male H-2A workers.<br /><br />According to Colombia Legal Services attorney Joe Morrison, legal aid offices have brought numerous suits in the past over the same violation. Columbia Legal Services sued a large Washington State winery, Mercer Canyons, in one celebrated case reminiscent of Ostrom's. Garrett Benton, manager of the company's grape department, testified that many of Mercer Canyons' longtime local workers were told there was no work available, or were referred to jobs paying less than the wages of H-2A workers. He charged that local workers "felt strongly that they were given harder, less desirable work for less pay. Mercer Canyons was doing everything it could to discourage local farm workers from gaining employment." The suit was settled in 2017, and Mercer Canyons agreed to pay a $1.2 million settlement, of which local workers received $545,000. <br /><br />Growers have little to fear for violations of the H-2A program rules. In 2019, out of 11,472 employers using the H-2A program, the Department of Labor only filed cases against 431 (3.73 percent), and of them, only 26 (0.25 percent) were barred from recruiting for 3 years, with an average fine of $109,098. "Lack of enforcement is a chronic problem, and characteristic of a program set up to meet grower needs," according to Guillen.<br /><br />On June 22, 2022, local workers at Ostrom tried to meet with the company to protest the discrimination. Instead of talking with them, according to the Attorney General, managers retaliated against them. One woman was assaulted by a supervisor. Several received unjustified warnings, a step towards being terminated. <br /><br />Later in September workers tried to deliver a petition, and were sent home early without pay. A month afterwards, the local workers were told they would have to bring in their immigration documents to demonstrate their legal status. Such reverification of documents, which the company had seen and accepted at the time they were hired, is a form of intimidation in a workforce where many may lack legal immigration status. "[Ostrom] started re-verifying workers after its workers began advocating for fair and nondiscriminatory workplace conditions," the AG's complaint charges.<br /><br />Many workers were laid off that fall, including Martinez. He was recalled, but only given a position picking mushrooms, instead of his old job building the metal trays. He was also given a quota, and then written up when he couldn't meet it. Finally he was fired as a result of his organizing activity, he believes.<br /><br />Ostrom sold the Sunnyside mushroom farm this February to a Canadian company, Windmill Farms, which also runs two barns in Ontario. Its subsidiary, Greenwood Mushrooms Sunnyside, then sent a letter to all the local workers, telling them to apply for the jobs they were already doing. They also had to reverify their immigration status. <br /><br />Windmill Farms didn't respond to a request for comment from Capital & Main, but in a statement to The Seattle Times, CEO Clay Taylor said the company is "committed to providing a healthy, safe and supportive workplace."<br /><br />* * *<br /><br />The use of H-2A workers to put production pressure on local farmworkers, and eventually replace them, has become a critical issue because of the rapid growth of the program. Over 317,000 H-2A workers were brought to the U.S. in 2021, an increase of 15 percent over the 275,000 in 2020, and three times the 100,000 of 2013. In Washington State the number grew by 1000 percent from 2007 to 2019, reaching 34,190 in 2022, or over a third of the total farm workforce (89,943 in 2021).<br /><br />The U.S. Department of Labor is supposed to enforce worker protections, and keep H-2A workers from displacing local farm workers. The protections, however, are often non-existent. While the Washington State Attorney General was able to charge Ostrom with discriminating against women within the state, for instance, it is not illegal for H-2A recruiters to hire only men. According to Daniel Costa, Director of Immigration Law and Policy Research at the Economic Policy Institute, "an employer may select an entire workforce composed of a single nationality, gender, or age group."<br /><br />Further, "employers and recruiters can also weed out workers who might dare to speak out against unlawful employment practices, assert their legal rights, or organize for better working conditions by joining or forming a union," Costa says, "by firing them and effectively forcing them to leave the country, or by threatening to blacklist them."<br /><br />The number of investigations of wage and hour violations for farmworkers in general has actually declined from 2000 per year in the early 2000s to 1000 per year in 2021. There are 30 fewer investigators of labor standards violations for all workers today than there were in 1973.<br /><br />Meanwhile, enforcement responsibility runs up against an administration policy that has encouraged the growth of the program, under both Democrats and Republicans. At an April 2017 White House meeting President Donald Trump told growers that, although he was targeting undocumented people for deportation, he would make the H-2A program easier for them to use. He then tried to relax wage requirements, an initiative the Biden administration rolled back on taking office. <br /><br />Yet President Biden continues to favor the growth of the program. Samantha Power, administrator of the U.S. Agency for International Development, thanked one meeting of growers at the U.S. Department of Agriculture last September for working with the administration on "a critical priority - expanding the pool of H-2 farmworkers from Central America, specifically from El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras ... We have got your back," she promised them. "We are committed to helping maintain a strong pipeline of experienced farmworkers to support you." <br /><br />Since this policy will add to the numbers already being brought by growers from Mexico, the overall growth of the program is inevitable, along with the problems it poses for farm workers already living in the U.S., most of whom are immigrants themselves. Ironically, the UFW itself is associated with an H-2A recruiting program called CIERTO, which operates in Central America in cooperation with the U.S. Department of Agriculture. At the same time, UFW President Teresa Romero has called abuses of the program "close to modern day slavery," and the union has advocated reforms.<br /><br />When Romero went to Sunnyside to support the Ostrom workers, she investigated the housing the company was providing its H2-A workers. Elizabeth Strater, a UFW representative, says that the company had told the Labor Department it was housing them in a public housing complex. "But we found that the workers weren't there," she says. "Instead they were living in what looked like an abandoned chicken coop. The state was supposed to inspect it, but obviously they just took the company's word."<br /><br />The protests by workers, and the investigation and complaint by the Attorney General, were apparently effective in keeping Windmill Farms from bringing in another crew of H-2A workers this year. But Martinez says that every day vans carrying dozens of new workers appear at the Sunnyside barns, while the fired workers have not been rehired. An inquiry to the Attorney General's office, asking why the rehire of the illegally fired workers was not part of the settlement, was not answered. <br /><br />Nevertheless, workers continue to rally to demand union recognition. "We have weekly meetings of our organizing committee," Martinez says, and with the monetary settlement attendance is up. "People were very happy. In addition some may be able to get help with their immigration status because they're witnesses or victims of violations. Some want to go back, while others say the mistreatment was too much. I'm sure the company doesn't want to call me back because I helped start the union, but I'd go. We all have to work. And we're going to keep going until we get the union in. They can't stop us."<br /><p></p>davidbaconhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/08469116035735786689noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3459520319181539184.post-89223899370563161522023-07-16T15:40:00.001-07:002023-07-17T07:59:48.636-07:00WHAT DOES IT TAKE TO WIN POWER FOR WORKERS?<p style="text-align: left;">WHAT DOES IT TAKE TO WIN POWER FOR WORKERS?<br />A review of Labor Power and Strategy, by John Womack Jr., edited by Peter Olney and Glenn Perusek<br />PM Press, 2023, 190pp with index and notes</p><p style="text-align: left;">Reviewed by David Bacon</p><div style="text-align: left;">The Nation, 7/17/23<br />https://www.thenation.com/article/politics/womack-labor-power-strategy-strikes/ </div><p style="text-align: left;"></p><p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiUO-6_PGiLcJJQWuArDPNguWDkPgMzhgRdE-pyP9k6TEephAXHaj7-Zs0rl4p64aDm-AxNjxLFlXJa0nAAugwPCthiKSaFtBYE3sCczwKBKQvZ6yZu3RWt6JDa6uHAeDtQGjYGr9HGcE0Qt_bRCb8B8672nZTjdefn2Vfxw-Cy0ZhJwgnq3M5pa_OoCDU/s720/silval01.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="482" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiUO-6_PGiLcJJQWuArDPNguWDkPgMzhgRdE-pyP9k6TEephAXHaj7-Zs0rl4p64aDm-AxNjxLFlXJa0nAAugwPCthiKSaFtBYE3sCczwKBKQvZ6yZu3RWt6JDa6uHAeDtQGjYGr9HGcE0Qt_bRCb8B8672nZTjdefn2Vfxw-Cy0ZhJwgnq3M5pa_OoCDU/s16000/silval01.jpg" /></a></div> <br /><i>Silicon Valley electronics worker. Mountain View, California, 2001, Photo: David Bacon</i><br /><br />Half a century ago I got a job in a huge semiconductor plant, long before the internet. In Silicon Valley's factories we tried to organize a union, arguing that this industry sat at the heart of the U.S. economy. If workers in it had a strong union, we believed, we could use our power to change the world.<br /><br />Perhaps the industry thought so too. From the start, its titans were committed to keeping workers in their factories unorganized. When Robert Noyce, cofounder of Intel, famously declared, "Remaining non-union is an essential for survival for most of our companies" we knew he was talking about us.<br /><br />They'd brought together 250,000 workers in a single valley. What if we began to organize from plant to plant, we asked, much as autoworkers did in Detroit decades ago, and asserted sweeping demands not only for ourselves but other workers as well? By targeting this strategic industry, might unions have been able to provide a bulwark against the loss of much of labor's power over the following decades? <br /><br />Of course, this did not happen. Most of us were fired and I was blacklisted. Mass production of semiconductors left the valley in the 1980s, first to plants dispersed around the U.S. southwest, and then to the Asian Pacific rim. These are the factories that produce the silicon integrated circuits, or chips, at the heart of the material basis of modern life - computers, cars - you name it.<br /><br />Today a huge percentage of the western world's chips are fabricated in enormous factories belonging to the Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Corporation, located in three Taiwan cities - Hsinchi, Tainan and Taichung. The U.S. government, especially the military, worries about this. What could happen if China goes to war with Taiwan and they're destroyed or captured? Or might the supply get cut off if a civil uprising brings to power a new government, not as U.S. friendly as its current one?<br /><br />The unspoken fear, as old as the industry itself, is that the workers in these plants might organize themselves and want to change, not just their wages, but the output and who might be destined to receive it. Losing control of the fabricating plants for the most sophisticated microcomputers would render the U.S. defense complex extremely vulnerable, and over time, perhaps paralyze its weapons systems.<br /><br />It is an old fear because it reaches back to the creation of Silicon Valley itself. At the beginning of the electronics age, from the early 50s to the mid-80s, the first manufacturers of integrated circuits were recipients of cold war Defense Department subsidies. Starting in Bell Labs, where William Shockley, the theorist of African American inferiority, invented the solid state transistor, the companies produced the chips in a vast complex of factories extending from Santa Clara to Mountain View, at the southern end of San Francisco Bay. <br /><br />Those semiconductor factories are long closed, but now the United States is eager to find a way to entice the industry to bring them back. The recently-passed CHIPS Act, a landmark giveaway to huge electronics corporations, will subsidize the building of semiconductor plants in the U.S. Arguing that their construction is an issue of national security, the CHIPS Act is trying to reinvent the past. <br /><br />But if new plants will again be built to produce semiconductors in the U.S., might there be another chance like that missed in Silicon Valley's early days - to organize the workers as they go through the doors, when these factories open and the production lines start?<br /><br />* * *<br /><br />The workers in chip factories hold a lot of potential power. Increasingly sophisticated machines in an intensely automated production system require adept labor to keep them running. Without it the factories stop. What might those workers use their power for, if they knew how to win and use it? The creation of a democratic, progressive and powerful workers movement in the heart of capitalist technology could not only change their own conditions. It could push forward anti-corporate politics, and even become an engine of social transformation. <br /><br />In Labor Power and Strategy John Womack devotes a lot of his thinking about labor strategy to questions of technology and its impact on workers. It's too bad the book was published just before the CHIPS Act made the question of the strategic position of semiconductor workers so immediate for labor organizers. If there was ever a convincing demonstration of the strategic importance of certain industries, the CHIPS Act has given it to us. <br /><br />Womack would certainly argue against the prevalent idea that the plants are so automated that they won't really need workers, or that organizing them is not vital. Instead, he would perhaps apply to this situation his general conclusion that a change in the organization of production opens a window for workers: "The workers who can get into the change - the earlier the better - can imbed themselves in it, lock into the training for it, take part in working out its defects ... so that they soon know better than the company's engineers... how the whole system functions ... how things go together for the system's production - and so how to take them apart."<br /><br />In Labor Power and Strategy Womack poses goals and strategies that seem almost unrealizable at a time when the percentage of workers belonging to unions declines every year. His arguments echo our own debates in the plant decades ago, ones going on in U.S. unions almost since their origin. Over the course of a series of interviews with labor veterans Peter Olney and Glenn Perusek, he holds that some industries are critical to the functioning of modern capitalism, and that workers in those industries therefore have the potential power to force radical change on the system. Labor, he charges, must direct more of its resources to their organization.<br /><br />With responses from a series of prominent labor organizers and activists, Labor Power and Strategy also raises many challenges to Womack's provocative thesis. From Bill Fletcher Jr. to Jane MacAlevey, respondents argue for concentrating on those workers already the most active, even if they're not in strategic industries. But Womack comes right back at them - some workers can shut the system down, while others cannot.<br /><br />* * *<br /><br />Womack's journey to his conclusions has been a roundabout one. A leading scholar of modern Mexican history, he wrote a seminal study of revolutionary Emiliano Zapata, as well as a book and articles examining the role industrial workers played in the Mexican Revolution. He looked especially at the state of Veracruz, where these workers helped the revolution emerge victorious, and then wrote some of the world's most advanced social and labor rights into the revolutionary constitution. <br /><br />In Labor Power and Strategy he looks at capitalist production generally, contending that some industries are key to its functioning. He suggests that by analyzing the specifics of how work is carried out, workers can exercise their power to disrupt it. It's almost reminiscent of the Wobbly idea of sabotage, or the Communist and Socialist contention in the 20s and 30s that the industrial organization of the working class, able to shut down huge factories, was the route to political power.<br /><br />Womack's argument looks at winning power in three general contexts - systemic, strategic and tactical. He begins on the large, systemic scale by asking why workers need power - to what end? He is a revolutionary - that is, he believes the system of capitalism must be replaced, and even looks, at two points in the book, at the experiences of the two major socialist revolutions of the 20th century - the Soviet and Chinese. What made those workers and their peasant allies aware of their power, he asks, and willing to use it?<br /><br />Those revolutions are so different from the situation facing workers in the present-day U.S. that they seem almost irrelevant. However, by starting there he introduces two key questions. How have revolutionaries, committed to the centrality of the working class to social transformation, developed flexible strategies that incorporated, and even depended on, the action of other sections of societies already in ferment. And the related question is that of consciousness - that true social revolution depends on working people gaining a knowledge of themselves as a class, and then the ability to act on it.<br /><br />But Labor Power and Strategy is not a book of history. Womack, and the ten veteran organizers and activists who answer him, argue over labor strategy in today's world. They range from the UAW campaign at Nissan's Canton, Mississippi plant, to the Smithfield meatpacking drive in North Carolina, to Walmart and the Fight for 15, and especially to Amazon. His interviews with Peter Olney and Glenn Perusek, in which he lays out his strategic framework in the first part of the book, are intended to provoke a rethinking of how the labor movement goes about winning power.<br /><br />Through detailed examination of the way their place in production gives workers leverage, he develops a broad analysis of the way industrial workers are linked together by the "technical relations" of production. These are the key functions carried out by different groups of workers that enable, for instance, a chip factory to produce its semiconductors. Those relations, in turn, are a source of power if workers know how to use them.<br /><br />In Labor Power and Strategy he speculates about the way a detailed analysis of Amazon's delivery system could identify those points where it's vulnerable to worker action, or how workers in logistics (that is, transport of goods) and communications (from phone to internet) might build a power base. In Womack's view, not all workers have this power - only those in industries critical to the overall function of capitalist production. He is not necessarily nostalgic for the organizing drives of the CIO in the 1930s that built powerful unions in auto, steel, textile and other industries - but his arguments react to a common assumption that industrial workers are no longer important, and that in modern production there are so few they don't count anyway. <br /><br />Workers critical to the functioning of the capitalist economic system, he holds, have a potential power that other workers do not. In an era when train derailments and the slow movement of cargo across the docks have impacts that ripple through the whole economy, it's clear that some workers, like those in the logistics industry, can clearly affect the whole system. <p></p><p> </p><p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjarDdBRK8514q-CUeDGfhCPRZHiKiFUZeM0qLn3BgGIozJdYAn3QdPOBCWnDCqZza5LH8PXQuuY_yK_Ye2TVNr11HUI010H66Y2QnA3v1t_DHaEOKnvle4qMgZD3b801gUiu9Ii5AtdXUW7opsz-omIhCtz-sTpHV636dI44jq9aWTQ_fUtxSeg6Ix4JE/s720/longshore.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="473" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjarDdBRK8514q-CUeDGfhCPRZHiKiFUZeM0qLn3BgGIozJdYAn3QdPOBCWnDCqZza5LH8PXQuuY_yK_Ye2TVNr11HUI010H66Y2QnA3v1t_DHaEOKnvle4qMgZD3b801gUiu9Ii5AtdXUW7opsz-omIhCtz-sTpHV636dI44jq9aWTQ_fUtxSeg6Ix4JE/s16000/longshore.jpg" /></a></div> <br /><i>Crane operator, member of the ILWU, moving containers to and from a ship in the Port of Los Angeles. Los Angeles, California 2000 Photo: Robert Gumpert 2000</i><br /><br /><br />Womack is not arguing against organizing sectors that are not strategic. Workers in other areas organize heroic struggles and sometimes challenge capital directly and effectively, as teachers have done in Chicago, Los Angeles and other cities, winning undeniable political power as a result. But without the leverage to stop the system from functioning, he asserts, the gains are lost over time. It is a basic Marxist argument. "Without work producing value, there is no surplus value," he contends, and therefore "power over production, the power to produce or strike production, is the working class's specific, essential, radical, critical power." <br /><br />* * *<br /><br />But will organizing strategic industries reverse unions' decline in numbers and political power? And since much of the organizing that workers have done in recent decades has been in areas like retail (think Starbucks or WalMart) or caregiving (from healthcare to domestic work), is Womack saying that workers' actions here are not strategic? Rather than ignoring or dismissing these questions, Womack, Olney, and Perusek invite organizers to respond.<br /><br />Carey Dall, who spent 15 years trying to transform the Brotherhood Maintenance of Way, a major railway union, points out that 85% of logistics workers in the U.S. already belong to unions, yet they are often unable to use their power even to help themselves. President Biden made their weakness apparent simply by prohibiting a national rail strike. The west coast longshore union has mounted one-day strikes to protest the Iraq war and refused to unload cargo from apartheid South Africa and prewar militarist Japan. But in general logistics workers have not been a bulwark defending coworkers in the U.S. or abroad in their hours of need. <br /><br />Katy Fox Hodess challenges Womack another way. Looking around the world, she cites examples of dockworkers who are unorganized and weak, or where their power was defeated by the privatization of the docks and their replacement. And in fact, the vulnerability of strategic workers is painfully clear in the U.S. labor movement. In 1981 the air traffic controllers, whose work operating airports is equally central, were replaced by military personnel ordered into the towers by President Reagan, who sent PATCO's leaders to prison. For most union activists the PATCO strike marked the legitimation of the permanent replacement of strikers. Yet the lesson here also is that standing alone, their control of critical operations was insufficient to protect them. <br /><br />Hodess then gives two examples of longshore unions that successfully used their associational power, that is, the strength of their organization itself and the links created with other workers around them. Positional power, she argues, also depends on organization, ties with the surrounding community, and the consciousness of the workers involved. <br /><br />Lest the reader think of this as idealism divorced from reality, working-class culture shines through the twelve photographs contributed by noted labor photographer Robert Gumpert. He's been at it a long time. Among his earliest images are those of a painter high on the cables of the Bay Bridge and a striking Greyhound bus driver and his son, in what was an iconic union battle in 1983. A 1986 image presents the idled rail cars and dark remains of what was once one of the country's largest industrial facilities - Pennsylvania's Aliquippa Steel Works. The modern working class is represented on the one hand by shouting Los Angeles janitors and the other by a crane operator high above Long Beach, moving the boxes that are now the lifeblood of global shipping. The amazing photographs are vivid reminders of that the book is discussing real human beings, not just debating power and strategy in the abstract.<br /><br />* * *<br /><br />The argument for the centrality of industrial manufacturing workers is hotly debated throughout the book. Jane MacAlevey lays out the reasons why the women-led healthcare and education unions are the ones in the U.S. labor movement most active in organizing. They've created solidly-organized unions, and coalitions beyond their own members, to defend public education, adequate healthcare, and political rights in general. <br /><br />Bill Fletcher argues for recognition of the potential of workers located in sites of struggle - where they are already actively organizing and battling the system. In looking back at the failure of the CIO's Operation Dixie, he asks how history might have been different if the labor movement had concentrated, not on big textile mills, but on public workers in the wake of the Memphis garbage strike where Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. was assassinated. <br /><br />And how should labor respond when workers, not in theoretically strategic positions, ask for help in organizing and strikes? Jack Metzgar asks, "Are union organizers supposed to warn such workers against this folly or attempt to direct their hope and courage in the most fruitful directions possible in a given situation?"<br /><br />Some respondents do agree with Womack. Gene Bruskin, who headed the organizing drive at the enormous Smithfield pork packinghouse in Tarheel, North Carolina, gives perhaps the best example, one of the few successful efforts in recent years in very large privately-owned plants. He describes the battle waged by African Americans in the livestock department, where pigs enter the facility for slaughter. These workers discovered that by sitting down they could stop the plant, force the company to make concessions, and ultimately inspire the rest of the 3000-person workforce to take the union drive to its conclusion. <br /><br />It was not just positional strength that won even this battle, however. Earlier, Mexican workers had learned to slow and control the devastating line speed, and then stopped the plant twice in defense of their rights as immigrants. After they were driven from the plant by immigration raids, Black workers took up the workplace-based struggle for civil rights. The link between positional power and political movements, as workers in the plant saw them, won their victory when combined with broad outside support.<br /><br />Yet unanswered questions in this debate revolve around race and sex - the unity of the working class. Fletcher says, "Race and gender are not identity questions. They speak to a specific set of contradictions and forms of oppression that are central to actually existing capitalism." Struggles against that oppression are "sources of strength and renewal." <p></p><p> </p><p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgLnCLSXqhD7gHaXvrM8GpYeTuCX8aGdM0gAFqkVmzu-cXNlJNMI67bam9y8u33Qqy4vY66aSUnwbJsx-Or812kEqpalPZoN2XBZwMfEBHR5p6j9i8trnpTgZ4hrSL6Rh85uTa4uWevWns5hIeN3e5kkQmC-ccTqr-I3ay7d53phZ8Awms7iXt_u82R4oY/s720/janitors.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="480" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgLnCLSXqhD7gHaXvrM8GpYeTuCX8aGdM0gAFqkVmzu-cXNlJNMI67bam9y8u33Qqy4vY66aSUnwbJsx-Or812kEqpalPZoN2XBZwMfEBHR5p6j9i8trnpTgZ4hrSL6Rh85uTa4uWevWns5hIeN3e5kkQmC-ccTqr-I3ay7d53phZ8Awms7iXt_u82R4oY/s16000/janitors.jpg" /></a><br /></div><p><i>Janitors marching with a coalition of many unions during first day of the labor sponsored 3 day march "Hollywood to the Docks". Los Angeles, CA. Photo: Robert Gumpert 2008</i><br /><br /><br />Given that people of color and immigrants will make up a majority of the working class by 2032, according to the Economic Policy Institute, are they strategic in their own right? While the organizing efforts of immigrant farmworkers, janitors, construction workers and others have not occurred in industries held as strategic, they are responsible for most of the actual growth of unions in states like California over the past three decades. <br /><br />They have also forced radical activists to analyze more deeply the central role of the migration of labor in today's global economic system. Whether this system could survive without labor migration, and whether migrants themselves therefore have a strategic role in changing it, is not just a theoretical question. It is one emerging from working-class upsurges in many countries.<br /><br />A sober and historically accurate assessment of the farmworkers movement would have provided an entry point for examining this question, since it has played such a fundamental role in the position of Latino and Asian immigrants in the history of the U.S. labor movement. Some forms of oppression and control, like the labor contractor and contingent labor systems, were developed first in relation to the work of immigrants in agriculture. Workers' responses, going back even to the Wobblies and the depression, contributed some of the country's best labor organizers and radical activists, from Dorothy Healey and Larry Itliong to the young people who learned their first lessons about working class organization in the fields, and then used them to transform many unions. The Chicano civil rights movement and the immigrant rights movement both have roots in California fields.<br /><br />The concentration of Black workers in steel and auto was a reason many radicals saw those industries as central to building a movement for fundamental social change. In the wake of the divestment of capital from those industries domestically, are the areas of the economy where workers of color, women and immigrants are concentrated the key to social progress in the same way? Many organizers of domestic workers, janitors, and others would certainly say so. In the book the movements of these workers are sometimes referred to as those of the "most oppressed," in distinction to movements of workers who may earn more, and even have unions, but work in strategically powerful positions. <br /><br />Both Fletcher and Womack try to find a bridge across this divide. Womack describes a culture of comradeship and Bill Fletcher a culture of solidarity - either could be a way to overcome the tendency to pit one against the other.<br /><br />* * *<br /><br />One element of labor organizing that needs more attention is the structure of the workers movement itself. Who is going to implement the various strategic ideas put forward? In the 1930s, the movement to organize the big mass production industries didn't depend so much on paid organizers as it did on the willingness of ordinary workers to begin organizing themselves, forming unions and starting the era's labor wars. What workers did have were Communist and Socialist parties, and a long history of popularizing the ideas of a socialist alternative to the existing capitalist system. Even those organizers drafted onto the staff of emerging unions were often militants who gained their political understanding in the parties of the left.<br /><br />Many of the respondents talk about the labor left, that is, the inchoate group of people in the labor movement and working class organizations who self-identify as left in their politics. In the pre-cold war era, however, the left in labor was organized into parties, which gave it political strength and influence far beyond its actual numbers. Today's situation is very different. Political parties on the left in the U.S. are small, and don't play the same role in the mass education of workers. <br /><br />The labor movement itself is fragmented organizationally, so that each union basically pursues its own course independently. The movement has great difficulty acting as a cohesive class organizer, as it does in other countries. The current French strikes are seen with admiration by U.S. union officers who can't conceive of the same thing happening here. A monolith labor is not. <br /><br />All of the respondents voice the need to change U.S. unions structurally, in order to implement the strategic ideas they debate. Since a clear direction is necessary, Olney and Perusek might have invited participation from the United Electrical Workers, the stalwart left pole of U.S. labor. The UE recently revisited its long held set of principles for democratic unionism, and it is hard to imagine a large progressive labor movement that is not committed to them. The UE's five principles include aggressive struggle against the boss, rank and file control of the union, political independence, international solidarity and uniting all workers. <br /><br />Union organizing today depends on staff organizers, yet the existing labor movement will never have enough of them to bring the hundreds of thousands of workers into its ranks every year needed to stop its shrinkage. Raising the percentage of organized workers in the U.S. workforce by just one percent would mean organizing over a million people. Only a social movement can organize people on this scale. <br /><br />The labor movement needs a program which can inspire people to organize on their own, one which is unafraid to put forward radical demands, and rejects the constant argument that any proposal that can't get through Congress next year is not worth fighting for. Workers will fight for the future of their children and their communities, even when their own future seems in doubt, but only a radical social vision inspires this kind of commitment. </p><p> </p><p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjAk4lQM0Kf93w4IcljnCYiYBrZUSLwYrhGHi2hgJ0VNhVehjCpLB9FekNNEkcRtZBNpgVuVTWxOWx4NmgXoJ0yzV9igIH_VlVOf_UAhuVwSJ5bJnT-l1fpDqFVE1zf5U-Uj155hohgNB39Egt6WtfbT4v8VG0ukc_6zQhs8KNIg45cM7teLy5mXK4wYRM/s720/coal%20strike.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="491" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjAk4lQM0Kf93w4IcljnCYiYBrZUSLwYrhGHi2hgJ0VNhVehjCpLB9FekNNEkcRtZBNpgVuVTWxOWx4NmgXoJ0yzV9igIH_VlVOf_UAhuVwSJ5bJnT-l1fpDqFVE1zf5U-Uj155hohgNB39Egt6WtfbT4v8VG0ukc_6zQhs8KNIg45cM7teLy5mXK4wYRM/s16000/coal%20strike.jpg" /></a></div><br /><i>UMWA on a 13 month strike at Brookside mines and on the picket line at Highsplint mine. Harlan County, KY. Photo: Robert Gumpert 1974</i><br /><br /><br />How are the workers, in the positions where the technical relations of production potentially give them power, going to become politically conscious - able and willing to use that power? The contributor who speaks to this problem most directly is Melissa Shetler, a protagonist of the popular education movement founded by Paulo Friere: "To think strategically, union members [and workers without unions too - ed.] must learn to identify and interrogate the assumptions of the status quo." Shetler rejects education as a process in which those with knowledge "educate" those without it. "We must engage workers in collective action in which they are valued, heard, and able to leverage their power," she says, describing a participatory and egalitarian process. Perhaps this is one answer to the "how to" question about building the culture of comradeship and solidarity.<br /><br />Peter Olney interviewed Womack at a cafe called, appropriately, The Foundry. The book's intention, in his hopes, is to develop a commitment among labor left organizers to concentrate on organizing Amazon, and to stimulate a debate over strategy that might succeed. As the book appeared, the mainstream press carried articles about a division in the leadership of the new union that won the first union election, at a distribution center on Staten Island. Chris Smalls, the drive's leader, has gone on to push organizing and elections at other Amazon distribution centers, trying to create a larger movement able to challenge this giant. The workers haven't been well organized however, and the elections held have been lost. Meanwhile, at the Staten Island facility another part of the union wants to concentrate on winning a contract, even by organizing a strike. They brought in Jane MacAlevey to help, but she was forced to leave by the internal union disagreements. <br /><br />The strategic debates in Labor Power and Strategy aren't just discussions far removed from action on the ground. Is Amazon strategic? Which workers are the key to defeating the corporation? What tactics should they use? Labor Power and Strategy's participants have made a valiant attempt to steer workers and unions in this country into uncharted territory. Instead of muddling along as it shrinks in numbers and power, they together make a powerful call for labor to change course and concentrate its strength. The radical answers of earlier eras are here combined with new thinking appropriate to changes in what is still the world's most powerful system of capitalist production. <br /><br />Whether the ideas of Womack and the organizers will be tested and applied, in the network of Amazon hubs or the building of new semiconductor plants, is not certain. There is no unanimity, not a surprise in a fractious movement. But debate is certainly welcome and needed.<br /><p></p><br />davidbaconhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/08469116035735786689noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3459520319181539184.post-39455197239511819212023-06-28T19:20:00.001-07:002023-06-29T06:24:41.358-07:00A PATH TO LIBERATION THAT'S STILL EVOLVING<p>A PATH TO LIBERATION THAT'S STILL EVOLVING<br />By David Bacon<br />Civil Eats, 6/29/23</p><p><a href="https://civileats.com/2023/06/29/photo-essay-a-cooperative-farms-long-path-to-liberation-for-farmworkers/">https://civileats.com/2023/06/29/photo-essay-a-cooperative-farms-long-path-to-liberation-for-farmworkers/ </a><br /></p><p><br /><br /></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjhjv0VyH4Vj-3ZMrG8rMV3ziHIYxFX_q1xH3xZSAkipSu-6N-1PdyyAulIqbKzfNhURJgv5TG_JDffYWZbSi7Hspd5IWA7AbGVKaZxIVoaBGEQi8YsMxznRks-4ZVn61vT373c16z4GcJZoQfAPtHNFxdEGImM_iP4O2ZV8etWbZNIY8aJKyebj_WynLg/s720/dnbtierraylibertad%2005.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjhjv0VyH4Vj-3ZMrG8rMV3ziHIYxFX_q1xH3xZSAkipSu-6N-1PdyyAulIqbKzfNhURJgv5TG_JDffYWZbSi7Hspd5IWA7AbGVKaZxIVoaBGEQi8YsMxznRks-4ZVn61vT373c16z4GcJZoQfAPtHNFxdEGImM_iP4O2ZV8etWbZNIY8aJKyebj_WynLg/s16000/dnbtierraylibertad%2005.jpg" /></a></div><i></i><p></p><p><i>A young chilacoyote seedling in a Tierra y Libertad greenhouse.</i><br /><br />On the Sakuma Brothers farm, over two hundred angry Mixtec and Triqui farmworkers stopped work in 2013, over the firing of a coworker. They needed a spokesperson to present their demands, and Ramon Torres was an unlikely choice. He wasn't indigenous. He was originally a city boy, raised in Guadalajara and the son of a construction worker. And he didn't speak the workers' indigenous languages. But he did speak Spanish, he was a blueberry picker like they were and lived in the labor camp with everyone else. Most important, he'd shown a willingness to stand up to the supervisors.<br /><br />It was a fortuitous choice. Torres proved to be capable and dedicated. The workers repeatedly voted him president of their strike committee, and later their union, Familias Unidas por la Justicia, over the next four years. Finally, in 2017, they convinced Sakuma Brothers Farms to sign a pioneering collective bargaining agreement. Torres helped bargain the contract, and is still president of their union. <br /><br />Two years into the bitter struggle Torres was fired. He tried to eke out a living on other farmworker jobs in the area, at the same time spending countless hours strategizing with the Sakuma workers. Then he made another unlikely choice. He became the lead organizer of the first farmworker-based farming co-operative in the Pacific Northwest. <br /><br /><br /></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhJUfTK7zYJbq89wyto1j8E3elXN8nUwmAyjiWhI_mjKq5jZqXAXQ1ReLiBB0qdOli_zZ6vHejE9_lK3OERVFxfZsjOxJo6IcJkZDdTV8rh7uJzKzcRS6at33y-JchFD6yHJkfDpTd6aEIZ-s3OTHwKzW9wxCt90LUXiK8BdHE-iqOkm98XnX-sxSIMdJo/s720/dnbtierraylibertad%2015.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhJUfTK7zYJbq89wyto1j8E3elXN8nUwmAyjiWhI_mjKq5jZqXAXQ1ReLiBB0qdOli_zZ6vHejE9_lK3OERVFxfZsjOxJo6IcJkZDdTV8rh7uJzKzcRS6at33y-JchFD6yHJkfDpTd6aEIZ-s3OTHwKzW9wxCt90LUXiK8BdHE-iqOkm98XnX-sxSIMdJo/s16000/dnbtierraylibertad%2015.jpg" /></a></div><p></p><p><i>Ramon Torres, head of the strike committee and president of Familias Unidas por la Justicia, reports to the strikers at Sakuma Farms about the effort to get the company to sign an agreement.</i><br /><br /><br />He and his compañeras and compañeros named their co-op Tierra y Libertad (Land and Freedom) - the rallying cry of the Magonistas in Mexico's rural revolution of 1910-20. They chose the face of Emiliano Zapata, the campesino revolutionary, as their symbol for their banner and the labels of their produce.<br /><br />Torres was convinced to make the decision by Rosalinda Guillen, founder of Community2Community, a women-led advocacy and organizing center in rural Skagit and Whatcom Counties, two hours north of Seattle. Guillen had long experience helping farmworkers organize unions, and Community2Community organized the support base for the Sakuma workers. The new co-op started as a C2C project.<br /><br />Torres says that the co-op idea grew out of the fight to get the union organized, and to change the conditions for Sakuma workers. At the beginning, many weren't convinced that a union contract would change their conditions. "They kept talking about needing another route, and Rosalinda talked with us about a women's co-op she'd formed earlier. So, workers decided to set one up."<br /><br />There were many discussions. C2C organized trainings in co-operative principles, which are still ongoing, eight years later. "Nevertheless, only a few workers actually decided to participate," Torres remembers. "It was very hard to convince them. They'd ask, who's going to give me a paycheck? Many thought they'd have to put in money they didn't have. The reality was that we had nothing, no place even to begin planting. We really didn't know if we could do it or not."<br /><br /><br /></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjYyYe5LMlKcTDkNoIOwc2j4Xz2Ca2Qk16sVUgTwSB0H2QJu9BszncXTlGD1MOcEP8yOOghlaBadHeM0pymO1k_wzS1g43-5wf_lBI9OTgcEqKux06p_KEjG93hgnqLp7LhqFHXTyiWBUhAXSAVyp5GB8jYG1fHxh0pt3ixvSypYSNDKfUKvDQ8Uvj-6xs/s720/dnbtierraylibertad%2017.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjYyYe5LMlKcTDkNoIOwc2j4Xz2Ca2Qk16sVUgTwSB0H2QJu9BszncXTlGD1MOcEP8yOOghlaBadHeM0pymO1k_wzS1g43-5wf_lBI9OTgcEqKux06p_KEjG93hgnqLp7LhqFHXTyiWBUhAXSAVyp5GB8jYG1fHxh0pt3ixvSypYSNDKfUKvDQ8Uvj-6xs/s16000/dnbtierraylibertad%2017.jpg" /></a></div><p></p><p><i>Rosalinda Guillen, director of Community2Community Development, at the start of the May Day march.</i><br /><br /><br />Torres and a group from the new union rented their first small piece of land near the Canadian border. "Twelve of us were committed to it, but the money didn't come in the way we were hoping," he says. The time commitment was more than most workers could sustain. In the training sessions someone would always be missing. To get to the land from Mt. Vernon, where most lived, was a 45 minute drive. <br /><br />"People were putting in 10-hour days," Torres recalls. "They'd arrive at the co-op at 5 in the afternoon, put in an hour and a half, and then have to drive back. In those years, before the union contract, people would go to work at another farm for a few hours after working at Sakuma, because pay was so low they needed the money to survive. So, they had to choose between working that extra job or coming to the co-op. Each day we might get two or three workers, and then the next day two different ones. The weekends were even harder. Saturday is a work day, and Sunday is the day for everything for the family - washing clothes, buying food, all the rest."<br /><br />Finally, only 3 remained of the original 12. And after fixing the farm up, breathing new life into its rows of red raspberries and putting up a greenhouse, the owner wanted it back. It was a blow, but they found another piece of land near Sedro Wooley. That was even further away. Finally, they found the 75 acres where the co-op farms today. It's still a long drive from Mt. Vernon, but the co-op hopes to eventually buy it.<br /><br />The co-op's fortunes began to rise when the union contract was finally signed in 2017. The income of Sakuma workers rose dramatically. "Before, people would take home a paycheck for $400," Torres says. "Even the fastest and most experienced pickers took home $600. When the contract went into effect, they began making twice as much, even up to $2000 a week at the height of the season."<br /><br /><br /></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhYWrYR0FE7cqXXUKTDmkFgvkztYjKtQUiIMGL9vBG1mFZIVk7JEyYjaIa724jR6A6tE-zykKLhjBVlTStd_txP_taubGOvLSMwKFHi-_9rdle_7obt-Q6vpt7aKIDEEn1jromEeqECge7mvpn0JE9oCSZB3YfXavR9GQYpuz59Mxym5SQ9LAVV04y_XWI/s720/dnbtierraylibertad%2024.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhYWrYR0FE7cqXXUKTDmkFgvkztYjKtQUiIMGL9vBG1mFZIVk7JEyYjaIa724jR6A6tE-zykKLhjBVlTStd_txP_taubGOvLSMwKFHi-_9rdle_7obt-Q6vpt7aKIDEEn1jromEeqECge7mvpn0JE9oCSZB3YfXavR9GQYpuz59Mxym5SQ9LAVV04y_XWI/s16000/dnbtierraylibertad%2024.jpg" /></a></div><p></p><p><i>A member of Familias Unidas por la Justicia prunes blackberry bushes in a Sakuma Brothers Farms field.</i><br /><br /><br />With more income, the pressure relaxed to work a second job after a day in Sakuma's fields, making participation more possible. Sometimes during the picking season workers will come out to help when more hands are needed to meet an order. They're learning how to develop a solidarity economy, Guillen says.<br /><br />"It was very important to learn how to organize ourselves, how to fight for our rights," Torres explains. The union changed the culture of the workers. Instead of meetings with litanies of complaints, workers now talk about plans for new projects. "We're healthier. We feel confident that with the union we can pay the rent. We're not killing ourselves at work and we can look for other things. Especially those who were there at the beginning can see how both the union and the co-op changed and grew."<br /><br />The culture changed for women too. Some began working as promotoras for C2C, spreading knowledge in the community about issues from health care to workers' rights. Men no longer sit separately from women in meetings, and when women speak the men listen. <br /><br />Tierra y Libertad still grows and sells blueberries and raspberries, but members have begun to rethink the model of depending on commercial production. "In that first stage, workers tried to replicate what they could see around them, mimicking what other farmers were growing," Guillen explains. "Trying to outdo well-established farms was exhausting, however, and eventually they realized that competing in the mainstream marketplace was not going to work."<br /><br />The co-op began using workers' indigenous culture to find new products to grow, and a market for them. Co-op members experimented first with nopal, or prickly pear cactus. Nopal is a staple in Mexico, used in everything from salads to scrambled eggs. Some of the first year's crop was lost to cold weather, so today the plants begin in a greenhouse long before being replanted outside.<br /><br /><br /></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhB1XTQ49caBRO8VQklr-KrUunNjmNIJGY_PH9uodi1iPn0UUwdt-wrHBdPsQxdzxnecbCy177CtAYWGVw6xiQGwbZnkp0AfW8XPJ_4J9mhzJWdCSM8C-iql0Ssy41uTO4rfwJR1VemCLwcQjgtcS0uVpqsYCG4wjD6l-nCVJ6fqGzNMTo3Jl3nQrsDnqc/s720/dnbtierraylibertad%2023.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhB1XTQ49caBRO8VQklr-KrUunNjmNIJGY_PH9uodi1iPn0UUwdt-wrHBdPsQxdzxnecbCy177CtAYWGVw6xiQGwbZnkp0AfW8XPJ_4J9mhzJWdCSM8C-iql0Ssy41uTO4rfwJR1VemCLwcQjgtcS0uVpqsYCG4wjD6l-nCVJ6fqGzNMTo3Jl3nQrsDnqc/s16000/dnbtierraylibertad%2023.jpg" /></a></div><br /><i>Benito Lopez in a crew cleaning a tulip field. In 2022 after a short strike, tulip workers like Lopez, belonging to Familias Unidas por la Justicia, convinced the largest grower, Washington Bulb, to recognize their workers' committee.</i><br /><br /><br />At the same time, with C2C's help, the co-op began working with the local food bank. It pays a premium for berries - $4.75 a pint, while the local organic groceries only pay $3.75. Now the food bank also buys nopal at $4.50 per pound. It then distributes the co-op products to low-income people, especially to many indigenous Mixtec and Triqui families. <br /><br />Last year the co-op also began experimenting with chilacayote, a squash the size of a watermelon. All parts of the plant are eaten in Oaxacan families, and the flesh can be boiled down to a kind of candy, or piloncillo, that is very popular. This year the greenhouses are germinating thousands of plants, and four more greenhouses are in the works.<br /><br />"The food banks are buying it to give to our people," Torres says. "We're not producing for the general population, who don't usually eat these foods. We're planting for our own people, the food they need and want." <br /><br />Today the Tierra y Libertad co-op includes three owners who work on farm full time, and are supported by C2C. They hope next year the co-op will be completely self-supporting. C2C will still provide administrative support, digital invoicing, and marketing help. "We're an incubator for work-owned co-ops," Guillen says. "But organizing a co-op based on farmworkers is very difficult because of their lack of resources, and the need to develop a culturally appropriate model. But what we see is that they fall in love with the land. It speaks to them and they become more free, more themselves."<br /><br /><br /><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjMg1ub0OuzFkluGJUmsSVTaZmPovhvxazUC6SzOqUQZ2u00Spm_zJXoAtlkzYvggtdMv3q89xBSPnydIF5xtXGozAlzg3UP16cck8WZLJAjg48F9N7H5VIWzFZrTrHablGS-EVy6uAql60mY3G1r07k8rfOT2CrK_kUYqdDmKWgqMz0gcP2oWlDm0LhHg/s720/dnbtierraylibertad%2012.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjMg1ub0OuzFkluGJUmsSVTaZmPovhvxazUC6SzOqUQZ2u00Spm_zJXoAtlkzYvggtdMv3q89xBSPnydIF5xtXGozAlzg3UP16cck8WZLJAjg48F9N7H5VIWzFZrTrHablGS-EVy6uAql60mY3G1r07k8rfOT2CrK_kUYqdDmKWgqMz0gcP2oWlDm0LhHg/s16000/dnbtierraylibertad%2012.jpg" /></a></div><i></i><p></p><p><i>Monica Atkins, of the Climate Justice Alliance in Jackson, MS, was invited to spend time at the Tierra y Libertad coop, and picked raspberries in a field with Ramon Torres.</i><br /><br /><br />Meanwhile, in the union itself workers are discussing a project in which families will buy land and begin small-scale production, while still working at Sakuma Brothers Farms. According to Torres, "There's more interest because they've seen what we've done here. Now in the union they're talking about forming their own co-ops. If we can buy the land, then the workers can work it in a collective way, and sell what they grow with the help of Tierra y Libertad."<br /><br />Building the co-op always depended on building the union, Guillen emphasizes. "Tierra y Libertad would not exist if not for the union. It came from the union, which developed a group of liberated farmworkers who were not afraid. It gave them a path to liberation that's still evolving."<br /><br /><br />NOTE: Farmworkers were excluded from both the 1935 National Labor Relations Act and the 1938 Fair Labor Standards Act (although the 1938 Act was eventually amended to partially include ag workers). A surge in union organizing over the last three years has led to passage of laws giving farmworkers overtime pay in Washington and Oregon, an easier path for gaining legal recognitions for unions in California, and legal recognition of farmworker union rights in New York.<br /><br /><br /></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhb94DpO6gUnteeTpeswY_rYesPJuwcLXcZ-fmV0rwG2PJB93HRE63jjy-x4z6hobYBHYRrgbox0aRAZabsAG6OSI0sixsM1AroaLaFGGGJy6EKy6kcsDAsjwXhS4yAG4WLUmAhcTfmpMT0NFUOUhxZkHHVUhNif7ol0QoCcE791u1sEGNFTV6epbMr_QU/s720/dnbtierraylibertad%2008.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhb94DpO6gUnteeTpeswY_rYesPJuwcLXcZ-fmV0rwG2PJB93HRE63jjy-x4z6hobYBHYRrgbox0aRAZabsAG6OSI0sixsM1AroaLaFGGGJy6EKy6kcsDAsjwXhS4yAG4WLUmAhcTfmpMT0NFUOUhxZkHHVUhNif7ol0QoCcE791u1sEGNFTV6epbMr_QU/s16000/dnbtierraylibertad%2008.jpg" /></a></div><p></p><p><i>Ana Lopez inspects a tree seedling in a Tierra y Libertad orchard.</i><br /><br />"No One's Going to do it for Us" - Ana Lopez<br /><br />Until I was five, I lived on a farm in near Tlaxiaco, in Oaxaca. I grew up speaking Triqui, the language of my town. Then I left with my mother to work in Baja California picking tomatoes, chile, and cucumbers. I was 8 or 9.<br /><br />When I was 12, we went back to Oaxaca, and lived there another five years. That's why I have experience working the land-from that time. I cut wood for fuel to make tortillas, and I had to carry water from far away because we didn't have a faucet. <br /> <br />Then we came here, and I've been living here almost 20 years. I'm very proud that I'm from Oaxaca, and that I'm a farmer and farmworker. <br /><br />In Oaxaca I worked in the milpa. We planted and grew corn, and then we'd harvest it. We also grew chilacoyote. In Oaxaca we don't use chemicals. We only use bono, which is the waste from chickens, pigs, and goats. It's good for the plants, and it's natural. That's what we're using here in the co-op too. It's good for the strawberries and blueberries, and when the plants are happy, they grow. <br /><br />When I got to this side of the border, I began working in the strawberries and blueberries. I worked for Sakuma for 18 years. I was in the strike, and participated until the owner agreed to treat our people better. <br /><br />Then I spent a year as a promotora. I got the training from Rosalinda about the co-operativa. After that I decided to become an owner. I thought it was a beautiful idea to be on a farm here. It's working in the free air, and on the free land, with the chickens and animals. <br /><br /><br /></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhh_WCDkxm_eBgIBoCIijC69FP6Ezm-4AbK_-2AXPptuN8Y6XRzvlKTI-_9NPeOWhTde_PeU44z8xZzOz496MDXE_kzf47RMG_Krr8C76xfNrLggv3qb4cB6kS2iy5duuiV3LCcAk8wjlhMtm1HLi011DbHU6S_v5QSRSBrMxSeSGW3e0jPCcdHzzytpZM/s720/dnbtierraylibertad%2020.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhh_WCDkxm_eBgIBoCIijC69FP6Ezm-4AbK_-2AXPptuN8Y6XRzvlKTI-_9NPeOWhTde_PeU44z8xZzOz496MDXE_kzf47RMG_Krr8C76xfNrLggv3qb4cB6kS2iy5duuiV3LCcAk8wjlhMtm1HLi011DbHU6S_v5QSRSBrMxSeSGW3e0jPCcdHzzytpZM/s16000/dnbtierraylibertad%2020.jpg" /></a></div><p></p><p><i>Ana Lopez with the bullhorn leading the May Day march. </i><br /><br /><br />No one gives orders. If there's something that we don't know, we talk among the three of us, to see if we can find a good solution.<br /><br />I'm a woman who's worked in many places-with crabs, getting pinched by their claws, or in the packing house during the strike. I admire women a lot; when we have a lot of work, we just do it. Then, no matter how tired I am, I can't go home and rest or lie down. I have to cook, and then there are clothes and dishes to wash. If the house is dirty, I have to clean it. <br /><br />I have five children. The oldest is in Mexico, and I have four here. Two of them are adults already. They're working, but they can't support me. My daughter is 19 and now she's working as a promotora too. The income from the farm isn't enough to live on, and everything is getting more and more expensive, but we have enough.<br /><br />I'm very proud of all this. We have to make an effort and work hard, and the co-op will move forward and get bigger, with the help of God. But we have to do the work. No one's going to do it for us.<br /><br /><br /></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjr3WYfDU10VpCPG-sIuDT7Vtuescnzc0cMv9i8qIqRyCr0j6goQ5pUEdw7Nmp3epfX2xCnMXFLfqPqMHfsv_WOZ-NSoLPlcVwUZrYu9w-BkuiPOqsHq-PV9sQd6-SeJ7iRT8eEhTCjfsb7kigSVGGCdrfTLxTx1O20XBHPUIRp9dPv2hHxIPjtHbcvId8/s720/dnbtierraylibertad%2004.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjr3WYfDU10VpCPG-sIuDT7Vtuescnzc0cMv9i8qIqRyCr0j6goQ5pUEdw7Nmp3epfX2xCnMXFLfqPqMHfsv_WOZ-NSoLPlcVwUZrYu9w-BkuiPOqsHq-PV9sQd6-SeJ7iRT8eEhTCjfsb7kigSVGGCdrfTLxTx1O20XBHPUIRp9dPv2hHxIPjtHbcvId8/s16000/dnbtierraylibertad%2004.jpg" /></a></div><p></p><p><i>Jesus Pablo inspects the chilacoyote seedlings in a Tierra y Libertad greenhouse.</i><br /><br />"Where we Don't Have a Boss" - Jesus Pablo<br /><br />In Guatemala my family had a farm near Huehuetenango, where we planted potatoes, corn, and beans. I'm from an Indigenous family, and I grew up speaking Mam. When I was 12, I started working with my father, and I learned everything from him. He's 60 now, and still lives on the farm there. I'm 24 now.<br /><br />Here the growing season is different. In the winter it's very cold and you can't plant anything, and then the summer is very hot. <br /><br />In Guatemala we don't have any greenhouses. We don't have the money to build them, but we don't need them the same way we do here; the climate is very moderate and doesn't change much. On the farm there we plant our seeds for corn and potatoes in March, in the field, just using the hoe. Then we harvest in September. <br /><br />We decided last year that we would grow chilacayote, so I asked my mom to send us seeds, and she sent 5,000. I'm using my experience from Guatemala to grow them here, but of course we have to start the plants in the greenhouse because of the cold.<br /><br />We make every decision like this, the three of us all together. It's wonderful to do it this way, where we don't have a boss. If I have an appointment, for instance, I don't have to ask permission to leave.<br /><br />I became involved in the co-operativa because my sister works as a promotora for Community2Community. Rosalinda Guillen invited me to a training, and I went. It lasted five months, and it was about principles and values, about our rights and what we can and can't do. Now I'm both a worker and an owner here.<br /><br /><br /></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjemaXorAghn1H0BH5b9I_upznigzEPLee_-FrIVa_x1ORb6WniIBDlNSjrfQyio-6BozkgExjEhSmPWNsCbHs5tMG38iYV7Hl5mFbBBSgviuKJgcsZOrBLfBOcVyFaODCRJHKd9MqaGaQl6LjyW_o9ec1FibxMkZ3wZo8vick-PhrzxV6wEu-hfTlPr-Y/s720/dnbtierraylibertad%2001.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjemaXorAghn1H0BH5b9I_upznigzEPLee_-FrIVa_x1ORb6WniIBDlNSjrfQyio-6BozkgExjEhSmPWNsCbHs5tMG38iYV7Hl5mFbBBSgviuKJgcsZOrBLfBOcVyFaODCRJHKd9MqaGaQl6LjyW_o9ec1FibxMkZ3wZo8vick-PhrzxV6wEu-hfTlPr-Y/s16000/dnbtierraylibertad%2001.jpg" /></a></div><p></p><p><i>Ramon Torres is an owner of the Tierra y Libertad farmworker cooperative farm, and president of the union, Familias Unidas por la Justicia. He fixes a leak in the irrigation system.</i><br /><br />"We Had the Idea that Anything was Possible" - Ramon Torres<br /><br />My father was a construction worker and my mom cleaned houses. We also had a business on the weekends selling tacos. We all had a task, whether it was chopping greens, blending the chile, or making the tacos. <br /><br />It was my dream to be an architect, but after I finished middle school, my dad told me that I could not keep studying because we did not have enough money. That was when everything changed and I came to Delano, in the San Joaquin Valley.<br /><br />I had never in my life worked in the fields because I lived in Guadalajara, a city. For the first two months no one wanted to give me work. Then my cousin told me he would teach me. I started in the desojar, or the removal of leaves [on grape vines]. It was very difficult. The whole crew would finish their rows and I barely had 10 vines, and there are 90. But they would come out of their rows and help me. <br /><br />I had never worked outside, eight hours in the sun and the rain. I had never worked on my knees, cutting rings on the vines, which is very painful. I had these huge blisters around every finger because of the knives that we would use. I could not even grab a knife because I could not feel it. <br /><br />In California if a crew would not do it for a certain wage, another crew would work for a lower wage, just to work. And this was one of the reasons I left California, because it was a little worse than Washington.<br /><br /><br /></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEihcmjvYB-evjLH-5XvgzDxtnnLTffCnPvM1dd2GFX5s3irInRU1e7WmxMi9IlhHpW-mTz-z2lQWCs06jQE78TlQlDw2c1RsIBy6v4dQDuSfne9oEYWZWYZwRClS-Edcjsm0r94u8jHjGEOa3f8Ug9Usez3K1VikDN-NPgHMEKgOz2h9MAm51_Mj2I1Vrw/s720/dnbtierraylibertad%2016.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEihcmjvYB-evjLH-5XvgzDxtnnLTffCnPvM1dd2GFX5s3irInRU1e7WmxMi9IlhHpW-mTz-z2lQWCs06jQE78TlQlDw2c1RsIBy6v4dQDuSfne9oEYWZWYZwRClS-Edcjsm0r94u8jHjGEOa3f8Ug9Usez3K1VikDN-NPgHMEKgOz2h9MAm51_Mj2I1Vrw/s16000/dnbtierraylibertad%2016.jpg" /></a></div><p></p><p><i>Ramon Torres shakes hands with Danny Weeden, general manager of Sakuma Brothers Farms, after signing the first union contract.</i><br /><br /><br />Even here, though, I started to see the abuse. I was working in the berries with Indigenous workers, and often a supervisor would come and scold them. I could hear the supervisor do this right in front of their mom or dad or their children, right there in the row. People would not say anything and would lower their heads. I would ask why, and they would say [if they defended themselves] they would be fired.<br /><br />Many Indigenous workers would want to leave after eight hours when it was raining, and the supervisors would not let them. I would get up and leave, and to me they would not say anything. That is when I started to see the discrimination, the preference for a lighter skin color. <br /><br />I began to be a little more conscious, but I never thought that we were going to start organizing. I met Rosalinda, and every day she would tell me that I had to be an organizer. When the strike started, I didn't know if the committees we formed were going to work, or when I went to schools if the students would listen. But we had the idea that anything was possible. When we started the cooperative, I had the same faith that it would work.<br /><br /><br /></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiGa4nJ6dBVwhRdyPeI_0ufg26a2fxU44A9KtK3Q--ewWn7hwbVgBXnhj1K00T_1eovq3JRjJoncnpB9vi50Oc3yEkARuZteMsLNuQ1Eh_eDA31s5zdPnxwDMos8h2UfxfhVWnKKvgzO81r9tNlaVddGKY12f60Vk2Z1SFBCo4_4F3a_2uouoeV4ILgIWU/s720/dnbtierraylibertad%2013.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiGa4nJ6dBVwhRdyPeI_0ufg26a2fxU44A9KtK3Q--ewWn7hwbVgBXnhj1K00T_1eovq3JRjJoncnpB9vi50Oc3yEkARuZteMsLNuQ1Eh_eDA31s5zdPnxwDMos8h2UfxfhVWnKKvgzO81r9tNlaVddGKY12f60Vk2Z1SFBCo4_4F3a_2uouoeV4ILgIWU/s16000/dnbtierraylibertad%2013.jpg" /></a></div><p></p><p><i>Benjamin Salcido clears land at Tierra y Libertad. </i><br /><br /><br /></p>davidbaconhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/08469116035735786689noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3459520319181539184.post-30446084341388656232023-06-28T19:04:00.009-07:002023-06-28T19:22:08.664-07:00FARM WORKERS ON STRIKE AGAINST WISH FARMS
<p class="MsoNormal">FARM WORKERS ON STRIKE AGAINST WISH FARMS</p><p class="MsoNormal"> </p>
<p class="MsoNormal">GUADALUPE, CA - 13JUNE23 - Strawberry workers went on strike
against Wish Farms, a large berry grower in Santa Maria and Lompoc, for two
days.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They demanded that the company
stop cutting piece rates, and live up to promises of better pay.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">The workers rallied in front of the company office in
Guadalupe, a small farmworker town near Santa Maria on the central coast.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>After trying unsuccessfully to negotiate with
the company manager on the phone, they went to a nearby strawberry field and
called on the workers there to leave and join the strike.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Some did, before the company called the sherriff.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Workers then went back to the company office where they
continued meeting.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The company
eventually agreed to raise the wages, and workers went back to work the
following day.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They decided to keep
organizing a union, which they called Freseros por la Justicia, or Strawberry
Workers for Justice.</p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Most pickers are indigenous Mixtec migrants from Oaxaca and
southern Mexico, but who now live in the U.S.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>The company also brings in contract H-2A contract workers from
Mexico.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The strike was supported by the
Mixteco Indigenous Community Organizing Project.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>People who want to support the workers can
contact Fernando Martinez, (805) 940-5528, fernando.martinez@mixteco.org</p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Photos copyright David Bacon.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Additional photos here:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><a href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/56646659@N05/albums/72177720309076488">https://www.flickr.com/photos/56646659@N05/albums/72177720309076488</a></p><p class="MsoNormal"> </p><p class="MsoNormal"></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgIxKURUDv7cp9L2uERGl3XbTWNWwbI4x_8REM8U6BDDvzv_oiG8YjKSu2m0k7e6fwlD54no3EwVePGUeZGgAclyBI-TZP_H2SICbTeOpe7OwRjVBau40zkkQgGFEAq5Rhv0AsBwl_fRF5OYh8SbaUhq2FGr3M5FnCYEyIdq6AxA3QKMdOhI6QAB6G0cyA/s720/dnb2023wishfarmsstrike045%20copy.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgIxKURUDv7cp9L2uERGl3XbTWNWwbI4x_8REM8U6BDDvzv_oiG8YjKSu2m0k7e6fwlD54no3EwVePGUeZGgAclyBI-TZP_H2SICbTeOpe7OwRjVBau40zkkQgGFEAq5Rhv0AsBwl_fRF5OYh8SbaUhq2FGr3M5FnCYEyIdq6AxA3QKMdOhI6QAB6G0cyA/s16000/dnb2023wishfarmsstrike045%20copy.jpg" /></a></div><p></p><p class="MsoNormal"></p><p class="MsoNormal"></p><p class="MsoNormal"></p><p class="MsoNormal"></p><p class="MsoNormal"></p><p class="MsoNormal"></p><p class="MsoNormal"></p><p class="MsoNormal"><br /></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; 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{page:WordSection1;}</style>davidbaconhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/08469116035735786689noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3459520319181539184.post-55305243336063266852023-05-04T23:22:00.002-07:002023-05-04T23:22:33.758-07:00MAY DAY IN MT. VERNON<p class="MsoNormal">MAY DAY IN MT. VERNON</p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Photographs by David Bacon</p>
<p class="MsoNormal">In Mt. Vernon, Washington, hundreds of farmworkers and
supporters marched in celebration of May Day in the annual Marcha Campesina.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It was the height of the tulip season in the
Skagit valley, and marchers carried signs reminding growers of the strike a
year ago that forced them to recognize workers' committees for the first
time.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>As many signs declared, "Sin
trabajadores no hay tulipanes" or "Without workers there are no tulips."<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Roofing workers facing union busters in their
strike for an independent union gathered support.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And marchers brought their children in a
celebration of their future.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The march
was organized by Community 2 Community Development and Familias Unidas por la
Justicia.</p><p class="MsoNormal"> </p><p class="MsoNormal"></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj0T9g9DXee0LQpYTghknx_e1L4EsAr9Slb-t9YagG71OInYEs7Flt6LOXDq3c8xvXH-8vigpgirzVWbUMyhm4zF6j-eK_vnB5yYcz-7l3FWED7FwK6-vHOlFxK2bv2-RVPFESbvuJPVaHrgK2YuY_KKKTNyTewJ42BFy9nXG2QIkH8mfYqqlFvB3qe/s720/dnb%202023%20may%20day%2001.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj0T9g9DXee0LQpYTghknx_e1L4EsAr9Slb-t9YagG71OInYEs7Flt6LOXDq3c8xvXH-8vigpgirzVWbUMyhm4zF6j-eK_vnB5yYcz-7l3FWED7FwK6-vHOlFxK2bv2-RVPFESbvuJPVaHrgK2YuY_KKKTNyTewJ42BFy9nXG2QIkH8mfYqqlFvB3qe/s16000/dnb%202023%20may%20day%2001.jpg" /></a></div><br /><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgsO4aAyvlUu2--R_LDt4WRGIchbP9vVmkKvA8PkOtRYcrNNwvKMtQsZLlyZ7tpFfQHcavvxJADiHHnftJ7X1615JKbI9dFfS_MXHhVNvLqJgpbaK1DWFCqureiAaMoux6qEdiWgBQheGB9A3DwQmJcMY8Ino4x8am1OuLRA91jBXstpBns0S69YzPW/s720/dnb%202023%20may%20day%2002.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; 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{page:WordSection1;}</style></p>davidbaconhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/08469116035735786689noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3459520319181539184.post-1855798019156602322023-04-23T12:52:00.002-07:002023-04-24T10:01:13.282-07:00WOOD STREET COMMONS FINAL STAND<div style="text-align: left;">WOOD STREET COMMONS FINAL STAND<br />Photoessay by David Bacon<br />Capital and Main, 4/24/23</div><div style="text-align: left;"><a href="https://capitalandmain.com/wood-street-commons-final-stand">https://capitalandmain.com/wood-street-commons-final-stand</a></div><div style="text-align: left;"> </div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjNtCvrTOY1R9eFiEjSWIrwqewQR97O898_T9YXJWvoS5Mlj_ktLcZgUR_8fEHh_VgW7aEYSHBoTlFeXRIqKJqDKYzvMttsAXrAZgrSHd8YJ5QxRmMlZZrwHMWwImkhPzruT33_JPv9CJlbX-XgeJP2K6lID1b8qddsUaaflhhx7c-OVZuLxQ9A-K-G/s720/dnb%20wood%20st%20commons%2001.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjNtCvrTOY1R9eFiEjSWIrwqewQR97O898_T9YXJWvoS5Mlj_ktLcZgUR_8fEHh_VgW7aEYSHBoTlFeXRIqKJqDKYzvMttsAXrAZgrSHd8YJ5QxRmMlZZrwHMWwImkhPzruT33_JPv9CJlbX-XgeJP2K6lID1b8qddsUaaflhhx7c-OVZuLxQ9A-K-G/s16000/dnb%20wood%20st%20commons%2001.jpg" /></a><br /></div><p><i>A community supporter moves a chain link fence section to bar access into the Wood Street Commons encampment.</i><br /><br /><br />Since Monday, April 10, 60 of Oakland's unhoused people have been facing earth movers with metal jaws, piling their belongings and refuse into garbage and dumpster trucks. Their encampment, which they call Wood Street Commons, occupies two city blocks between Wood Street and the freeway maze leading to the San Francisco Oakland Bay Bridge. Spaced across the area are tents, RVs, trailers and even a two-story plywood house. <br /><br />This is the last remnant of what was once the largest homeless encampment in northern California. It is the southern tip of an area that extended from the edge of the old 16th Street railroad station to beyond 34th Street - at least 17 blocks - under the freeway maze itself and next to a train trestle that once brought goods in and out of the old army base.<br /><br />The two-block Wood Street Commons is part of the old Prescott neighborhood of West Oakland, once one of the poorest in the city, where rundown homes sat next to small factories and warehouses. Just beyond a chain link fence bordering the area is the old 16th Street Station, where the last train stopped in 1994. The ornate but abandoned structure is being restored as an historic jewel, and is rented as a site for private events by its owner BUILD, an affiliate of BRIDGE Housing.<br /><br />Across the street from the Commons begin new townhouse developments that go on for blocks. They are the future, and these unhoused residents are in the way. In 2005 Oakland adopted the Wood Street Development Project. "The area surrounding the intersection of Mandela Parkway and West Grand Avenue will be a major employment area," it said, "with preservation of existing historic buildings and the addition of compatibly scaled larger development." The Final West Oakland Specific Plan was last updated on January 20th, 2021.<br /><br />In 2007 the city purchased the 3.2 acres the Commons occupies for $8.5 million, and In 2018 found a developer, MIDPEN Housing Corporation and Habitat for Humanity, which promised to build 170 units of affordable housing on the site. That's not much consolation for the unhoused residents being evicted, however. With no income, no fixed residence and having to wait for years for construction, it's unlikely that any would ever be able to live in the promised homes, any more than they can live in the blocks of new townhouses.<br /><br />The California Department of Transportation began an effort to evict residents from the larger area under the freeway a year ago, where approximately 300 people were living. Last July Federal Judge William Orrick issued a temporary restraining order (TRO) to stop those evictions, but in August lifted it because, he said "there is no constitutional right to housing-to allow Wood Street [residents] to stay on the property of somebody who doesn't want it."<br /><br />People were forced to leave shortly afterwards, and today that huge area is a barren expanse of dirt under the freeway. That left those living on the two-block area of the Wood Street Commons, on land belonging to the city. On January 9 residents, represented by the East Bay Community Law Center, filed for a TRO against the city to stop their eviction. <br /><br />On February 3 Judge Orrick lifted the order, however, after Oakland announced that replacement housing for the displaced people was available. On February 24 the city declared that it had opened the Wood Street Community Cabin site eight blocks away, with 32 bed spaces available, and an RV parking area with 28 spaces on 66th Avenue in East Oakland. <br /><br />In a statement announcing a demonstration by residents and supporters on the day the evictions started, leaders of Wood Street Commons said, "Many residents moved to Wood Street from other locations around the city, after Oakland police officers instructed them to move here. We believe that given how long people have lived here, that we deserve more than "adequate shelter." Additionally, the fact that these so-called evictions are taking place while Alameda County's eviction moratorium remains in place exemplifies the fact that Oakland's unhoused residents do not have the same legal rights as renters."<br /><br />People facing the earthmovers argue that the city's cabins, often called "tuff sheds" after the temporary structures sold at Home Depot, are not permanent housing. Stays are limited to 90 days with possible renewals, and people can be evicted at the discretion of the managers. There is no space for the vehicles where many residents currently sleep.<br /><br />Dustin Denega, who was forced from the CalTrans area last fall, said in an interview at the time that in the four years he'd lived on Wood Street he felt safe and protected from violence that often affects people sleeping on sidewalks. "What the city calls alternative housing is surrounded by a fence. You can't have visitors, and it feels like a prison. And it's not safe," he said. <br /><br />The city has told Wood Street Commons that it will take two weeks to clear their encampment. Every day since Monday that cleared section moves slowly from Wood Street toward the freeway wall. It seems inexorable. Jon Sullivan, an unhoused Laney College student and activist at Wood Street Commons, said some residents have agreed to move to the "community cabins" and the RV parking area, but said others are staying put as the city continues to clear the area and risk losing their belongings.<br /><br /></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEilUD2Qm4RxCy_TRAIE5kaW4COZM-3xW5WFKusG35viYxBXO5krPNwBXCywwdX-P9imHfqdfahERejLfPJPY22ecXwyucHl1pVQljO7_EFzGHLwOSnIcr7BIV06DJYx7f8M6fFNV_-ptrfPKpNOyGxvO2PmKerdLWNUOOQiRLYdR3DkMsdKmC8nooFk/s720/dnb%20wood%20st%20commons%2002.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEilUD2Qm4RxCy_TRAIE5kaW4COZM-3xW5WFKusG35viYxBXO5krPNwBXCywwdX-P9imHfqdfahERejLfPJPY22ecXwyucHl1pVQljO7_EFzGHLwOSnIcr7BIV06DJYx7f8M6fFNV_-ptrfPKpNOyGxvO2PmKerdLWNUOOQiRLYdR3DkMsdKmC8nooFk/s16000/dnb%20wood%20st%20commons%2002.jpg" /></a><br /></div><p><i>The City of Oakland posted notices on vehicles announcing that it would begin removing vehicles, which are the homes of most residents, starting on April 10. Behind the SUV an earthmover loads an item into a garbage truck</i>.</p><p><br /></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhM8YhPcipHFh9dSk9VPmpH5THkTWWhUc7ThASOXnOEkiEi-AWr8FCeMe2jT66W-jBRy8BEEdU5rSO7v31dcT8BtQIv-e-r3a0SSyn1_b3Z9VbaKN1B6a7VtF_UqwcfSLD_kNdFk5FIITOi1lLTAjFv_PHxo4VIyWyDE2MjuVwo2705k-SMBLtq2N2W/s720/dnb%20wood%20st%20commons%2003.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhM8YhPcipHFh9dSk9VPmpH5THkTWWhUc7ThASOXnOEkiEi-AWr8FCeMe2jT66W-jBRy8BEEdU5rSO7v31dcT8BtQIv-e-r3a0SSyn1_b3Z9VbaKN1B6a7VtF_UqwcfSLD_kNdFk5FIITOi1lLTAjFv_PHxo4VIyWyDE2MjuVwo2705k-SMBLtq2N2W/s16000/dnb%20wood%20st%20commons%2003.jpg" /></a><br /></div><p><i>As residents and supporters watch behind a barrier, an earthmover loads an item into a garbage truck.</i></p><p><i> </i><br /></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjp9_w03j_sSLfCXMTqFQtwEsMjA4_WmqiVgvCu66B4xLgGbU9i5rDi64j9xsvMQ6EF45ko8xhLqqDCcYobkPpIU7RQLalG97G8waghEVc5Atek_e8L-c35ly__CxVIGtsqWlqWc7nyqiPxlI2gdzWlcQ1UysY6kyam_qgcGaJ2-nj7GJZh6P6T5hk1/s720/dnb%20wood%20st%20commons%2004.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjp9_w03j_sSLfCXMTqFQtwEsMjA4_WmqiVgvCu66B4xLgGbU9i5rDi64j9xsvMQ6EF45ko8xhLqqDCcYobkPpIU7RQLalG97G8waghEVc5Atek_e8L-c35ly__CxVIGtsqWlqWc7nyqiPxlI2gdzWlcQ1UysY6kyam_qgcGaJ2-nj7GJZh6P6T5hk1/s16000/dnb%20wood%20st%20commons%2004.jpg" /></a><br /></div><p><i>As Kelly, a resident, speaks, Jon Sullivan (in a light-colored sweater), one of the leaders of Wood Street Commons, listens. Sullivan, who previously lived in Sacramento, is an unhoused student at Laney College in Oakland. "Hundreds of students at Laney are couch surfing or sleep in vehicles around the campus," he said. "People are dying because of those types of policies. Even in Oakland housing is not seen as a human right. I want to learn how the system works in order to change it." </i> </p><p><br /></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgwaAVHS9WjH95xR8ae546MzQCRqIJ_ZDLb9wV-YMWqzWhGaUWPsCRwRx_N8cGzNUQ1Ep1a_npaFwG3z2ZsSEr28ycpwro-lTiZqfuXBF-tdVKho_t8xlmwkw2MgnYFdTFSTxBhiqmXQKOGkCkgSifa-TnczPfVuhwAzuyOO4I0l4qmifwcNnD7BuvF/s720/dnb%20wood%20st%20commons%2005.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgwaAVHS9WjH95xR8ae546MzQCRqIJ_ZDLb9wV-YMWqzWhGaUWPsCRwRx_N8cGzNUQ1Ep1a_npaFwG3z2ZsSEr28ycpwro-lTiZqfuXBF-tdVKho_t8xlmwkw2MgnYFdTFSTxBhiqmXQKOGkCkgSifa-TnczPfVuhwAzuyOO4I0l4qmifwcNnD7BuvF/s16000/dnb%20wood%20st%20commons%2005.jpg" /></a><br /></div><p><i>Commons leader John Janosko speaks at a protest the day the evictions started. He proposed last fall that the city allow residents to move onto the old army base on the other side of the freeway. "We want our community to stay intact," he explained in an interview. "And it wouldn't be hard for us to move there, especially if the city helped us build small houses and a center and community kitchen where we could have services and meetings to keep ourselves organized." After city administrators refused to implement his proposal, city councilperson Carroll Fife, former organizer for Moms for Housing, said she was "disgusted." </i></p><p><i> </i><br /></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjcdc5T8Q5soNPF6JpDdqA5cYFZusFbobZeI1a1toxbK7dSsliYv8gfKDgFj_CGHGEMlHl_lQ1DgVCJ5hEnaipJpZCLXuI3rFRZ2hXKdC0r9MRE_UVeHvb8uoy4Pu21TVSsAkOuggn4sMO7QOmwyIZzr47N54HhZyap3UhLJP8m00yJpsOcYzXdoWOO/s720/dnb%20wood%20st%20commons%2006.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjcdc5T8Q5soNPF6JpDdqA5cYFZusFbobZeI1a1toxbK7dSsliYv8gfKDgFj_CGHGEMlHl_lQ1DgVCJ5hEnaipJpZCLXuI3rFRZ2hXKdC0r9MRE_UVeHvb8uoy4Pu21TVSsAkOuggn4sMO7QOmwyIZzr47N54HhZyap3UhLJP8m00yJpsOcYzXdoWOO/s16000/dnb%20wood%20st%20commons%2006.jpg" /></a><br /></div><p><i>Beyond the tent of a resident, the new townhouses are visible across the street.</i></p><p><br /></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhnH05jT-MVsKIjE8bBmuddhf3c-SzGjLp4uekthK-bFU7KMVGkyLP2M7utdht9pYeh6R8xQbHpVttQXEYvzLXpmm6z85j1fhqp0mdoR2LeeNohehYpyygTMGqY2eKT6S3uBLkM5Qz_FpsLtMMlEtJo4KuNX4DtaakUdd0Bt2cZZyEY8AW0Tq8te_AK/s720/dnb%20wood%20st%20commons%2007.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhnH05jT-MVsKIjE8bBmuddhf3c-SzGjLp4uekthK-bFU7KMVGkyLP2M7utdht9pYeh6R8xQbHpVttQXEYvzLXpmm6z85j1fhqp0mdoR2LeeNohehYpyygTMGqY2eKT6S3uBLkM5Qz_FpsLtMMlEtJo4KuNX4DtaakUdd0Bt2cZZyEY8AW0Tq8te_AK/s16000/dnb%20wood%20st%20commons%2007.jpg" /></a><br /></div><p><i>Gawit (David) Mesfin tries to move the many bicycles and parts next to his living area before the earthmovers arrive. He repaired bicycles, and sometimes stored them, for many residents and other unhoused people.</i></p><p><i> </i><br /></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjZ3l2gLcA53zlgWEb7NhY46Z0CvjNm5ELr-s4uvCJM0Rf1OQeJyUVZ4zTtaSHqttbXh2sbklUuU8WeJMYN_zgom_NlUQQ1q_X66NGqFziIngfIIzIQDkNOdX-gq9f8KSjmoJJcExpPxQlc-SuIb8u08hMEJleZMv1SBYwNWwAgGh1AdbX1pkwcyzaC/s720/dnb%20wood%20st%20commons%2008.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjZ3l2gLcA53zlgWEb7NhY46Z0CvjNm5ELr-s4uvCJM0Rf1OQeJyUVZ4zTtaSHqttbXh2sbklUuU8WeJMYN_zgom_NlUQQ1q_X66NGqFziIngfIIzIQDkNOdX-gq9f8KSjmoJJcExpPxQlc-SuIb8u08hMEJleZMv1SBYwNWwAgGh1AdbX1pkwcyzaC/s16000/dnb%20wood%20st%20commons%2008.jpg" /></a><br /></div><p><i>Gawit (David) Mesfin and a helper move a panel from the structure where he lived to an area where a truck might be able to pick it up to bring it to another site.</i></p><p><i> </i><br /></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiCl3gu_yrIS6lsCUQoDzbUDXaEGsMbxBXWWt_WJaEv4yrS1jPa02sA9oYdSKhqWL4MZC_9wP21yjbkbvruGXlgqosAyX4ILBJdQLbqWu0Nq6eSmhau-uIN3bjVfmbnxRJ3rGTt65OdeBzK3O59mF5ef-oIqPz_T_rD0uLtafTNq44njvIVz3N2cMob/s720/dnb%20wood%20st%20commons%2009.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="720" data-original-width="483" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiCl3gu_yrIS6lsCUQoDzbUDXaEGsMbxBXWWt_WJaEv4yrS1jPa02sA9oYdSKhqWL4MZC_9wP21yjbkbvruGXlgqosAyX4ILBJdQLbqWu0Nq6eSmhau-uIN3bjVfmbnxRJ3rGTt65OdeBzK3O59mF5ef-oIqPz_T_rD0uLtafTNq44njvIVz3N2cMob/s16000/dnb%20wood%20st%20commons%2009.jpg" /></a><br /></div><p><i>Gawit (David) Mesfin was born in Ethiopia. "I left when I was 8, because of the wars, after my parents were killed. I was taken to India first, but then I was deported. I finally I got to the U.S. when I was 18, and I'm 38 now. I've been living here for seven or eight years."</i></p><p><i> </i><br /></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEijbbsnbFzMEHa-PJqyg3yZjBUpD2VMjSysZGmgzn_4famzHTME1g6VUoLoZuLSqSLiK2w7Vs_-gNIIoQnWFkouR-4WxMEykip1XF7EsuBuHzuOgmrz0a2wqzjFYIG1R0JgqSqwDOzI8CrcWGiwEHgxxK-ZMtabuiC5ae_qIMyaUUqnuMxJenft1sLD/s720/dnb%20wood%20st%20commons%2010.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEijbbsnbFzMEHa-PJqyg3yZjBUpD2VMjSysZGmgzn_4famzHTME1g6VUoLoZuLSqSLiK2w7Vs_-gNIIoQnWFkouR-4WxMEykip1XF7EsuBuHzuOgmrz0a2wqzjFYIG1R0JgqSqwDOzI8CrcWGiwEHgxxK-ZMtabuiC5ae_qIMyaUUqnuMxJenft1sLD/s16000/dnb%20wood%20st%20commons%2010.jpg" /></a><br /></div><p><i>Tommygun Goodluck stands in the doorway of the two-story house he built. He said that the construction took him two years.</i></p><p><i> </i><br /></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjKpvHVyeUaizFNQfUJFqvKgcTp9MpJpOsPyJD64A-r4HYNCDHOHr7qTt4ywiZH5HagnfnSOW-CBA-1IzIBDiCQISqvtftf_xJhG0SjC2mYAN0T63PRZ7E2B0veMpB-5gpXNQaEU8Si1IcSq_FHcH93JN9F5rok_EhCHG4y_ku32OzmLgflnMMfpM2j/s720/dnb%20wood%20st%20commons%2011.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjKpvHVyeUaizFNQfUJFqvKgcTp9MpJpOsPyJD64A-r4HYNCDHOHr7qTt4ywiZH5HagnfnSOW-CBA-1IzIBDiCQISqvtftf_xJhG0SjC2mYAN0T63PRZ7E2B0veMpB-5gpXNQaEU8Si1IcSq_FHcH93JN9F5rok_EhCHG4y_ku32OzmLgflnMMfpM2j/s16000/dnb%20wood%20st%20commons%2011.jpg" /></a><br /></div><p><i>Inside his house are the tools and other machinery that Tommygun Goodluck uses to fix things for other residents of Wood Street Commons.</i></p><p><i> </i><br /></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjCMEjRwtN6Hh8P74OJ2ir2LEFaVyL95j2QALnBmIQqysvgai-bjPs2murZmPFtzE4YgoCXzHKg__lEe0VMdbYyaWB8s33A3NhPHfov4MUIgkuH9wJQp9JgdOUML6oZsG0K8ymL1T54I9W1PHdkrZP2RCpQYcRKflqdWR5lSZKkp0AhI_D8LECrQvMf/s720/dnb%20wood%20st%20commons%2012.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="720" data-original-width="483" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjCMEjRwtN6Hh8P74OJ2ir2LEFaVyL95j2QALnBmIQqysvgai-bjPs2murZmPFtzE4YgoCXzHKg__lEe0VMdbYyaWB8s33A3NhPHfov4MUIgkuH9wJQp9JgdOUML6oZsG0K8ymL1T54I9W1PHdkrZP2RCpQYcRKflqdWR5lSZKkp0AhI_D8LECrQvMf/s16000/dnb%20wood%20st%20commons%2012.jpg" /></a><br /></div><p><i>"I came here with my friend of Jeff four years ago," Tommygun Goodluck said. "I'm a carpenter, and I lived in an RV for a few years in Las Vegas. I wanted to go to Venice because I had this dream of parking my RV by the beach, where I could just step out the door onto the sand. But Jeff convinced me to come here. There was hardly anyone here when we came. This house did have a third story with a garden, but the wind took it. It has a two-car garage in back, where my Harleys are." I asked Tommygun what he thought would happen to his house now. "Things aren't going to go well for me," he answered. "I'm probably going to lose everything. Hopefully not the Harleys."</i></p><p><i> </i><br /></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhMDfehEn6ChOWd7GDGI-S9TEWlZmNzNZpiXYVJ0oy_jKc3gLDpzziq2171UHZwF8WShPiqdWRhJZ_hGMk9xwBUejwhmmv2v80qHSPjm36OIyr0w5HMByjU5LO5CXiP7sW8_jSoLkiXg2K4PXKJS4_3VeJnvkjxmueGPnk10C3nPOjg3ly4C4C5WK7K/s720/dnb%20wood%20st%20commons%2013.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhMDfehEn6ChOWd7GDGI-S9TEWlZmNzNZpiXYVJ0oy_jKc3gLDpzziq2171UHZwF8WShPiqdWRhJZ_hGMk9xwBUejwhmmv2v80qHSPjm36OIyr0w5HMByjU5LO5CXiP7sW8_jSoLkiXg2K4PXKJS4_3VeJnvkjxmueGPnk10C3nPOjg3ly4C4C5WK7K/s16000/dnb%20wood%20st%20commons%2013.jpg" /></a><br /></div><p><i>Tommygun's friend Jeff outside the RV where he's lived for four years. "This is the best place I've ever lived," he said. "People here help and support each other, like if you want a cup of sugar you can just ask. I'm trying to rescue the cats and especially the kittens, before the dumpsters get them."</i></p><p><i> </i><br /></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEihu8jUYhxwMn-SlfraRDNamxLj-fOWYUuOWg2bOwjyK5NQS9LJ55FCb16Ognt2NFtvwoYCN0AjI9lvAvaoPOU69oF43ht88GmfdcypLf6DUdmhpCwj-C3H67tKA7mg4St87pXHbdzyg0Cq0i1Ckn-3y-0m74z6EFMjGjSa2cfBs98ugkli6HqQirbj/s720/dnb%20wood%20st%20commons%2014.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEihu8jUYhxwMn-SlfraRDNamxLj-fOWYUuOWg2bOwjyK5NQS9LJ55FCb16Ognt2NFtvwoYCN0AjI9lvAvaoPOU69oF43ht88GmfdcypLf6DUdmhpCwj-C3H67tKA7mg4St87pXHbdzyg0Cq0i1Ckn-3y-0m74z6EFMjGjSa2cfBs98ugkli6HqQirbj/s16000/dnb%20wood%20st%20commons%2014.jpg" /></a><br /></div><p><i>Tariq, an unhoused resident who didn't want to talk, moves some of the items around his living area next to the freeway wall.</i></p><p><i> </i><br /></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhZFZXBz9FMMOVdqEZ8rNaY9rtHfnf98fRzi5a_nuliIRBpbjvmQJ-VT3XYqjHN2-baV0Zv40TT_FzBZPIdx-x5fP1g_zc6gaAqKR5ywiAxnqWXA6KalbgFAHuGeXSgAdT9Aw2-BCMsGyNPl_KJ7ftNRB5r31Y7XK2ukPpPDhfhbZFk5A_vtACvO0Bs/s720/dnb%20wood%20st%20commons%2015.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhZFZXBz9FMMOVdqEZ8rNaY9rtHfnf98fRzi5a_nuliIRBpbjvmQJ-VT3XYqjHN2-baV0Zv40TT_FzBZPIdx-x5fP1g_zc6gaAqKR5ywiAxnqWXA6KalbgFAHuGeXSgAdT9Aw2-BCMsGyNPl_KJ7ftNRB5r31Y7XK2ukPpPDhfhbZFk5A_vtACvO0Bs/s16000/dnb%20wood%20st%20commons%2015.jpg" /></a><br /></div><p><i>Behind this sign painted by residents is an area where many RVs and trailers are parked.<br /><br />Note on names. Many of the unhoused people living in the Commons, like unhoused people in general, are very protective of their privacy because of previous problems with what they perceive as very hostile authorities. Some people give their names freely, while others only want to give a first name, or none at all. In addition, many adopt names that are part of their chosen identity. I tried to respect people's choices about this in interviews, and while taking their photographs. - ed.</i><br /></p>davidbaconhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/08469116035735786689noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3459520319181539184.post-56279903483093691132023-04-16T12:33:00.008-07:002023-04-16T12:43:12.718-07:00SHOULD LEFTISTS CALL FOR ENDING NATO?<p class="MsoNormal">SHOULD LEFTISTS CALL FOR ENDING NATO?</p><p class="MsoNormal"> </p><p class="MsoNormal"></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjPwD0-ZkiEDfb_rVeX1xt1lqyI0ZMixnek0ZdvRsP8yUulTKVj7qOWQB5an0Pzogvz6C_0Uw2HEGn1NDF08KeFRL5giz2_js4yb6LZxCh7T8ajYxh59i36I63z_b2fIiGsO26rgTmaf_eFanGQxNuHsDmJE43r0gTeQvXqHowrlE-30MKoLWIDbw5c/s720/dnb2023ukraine24stdemo30%20copy.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjPwD0-ZkiEDfb_rVeX1xt1lqyI0ZMixnek0ZdvRsP8yUulTKVj7qOWQB5an0Pzogvz6C_0Uw2HEGn1NDF08KeFRL5giz2_js4yb6LZxCh7T8ajYxh59i36I63z_b2fIiGsO26rgTmaf_eFanGQxNuHsDmJE43r0gTeQvXqHowrlE-30MKoLWIDbw5c/s16000/dnb2023ukraine24stdemo30%20copy.jpg" /></a></div> <p></p><p class="MsoNormal">Russia should withdraw its troops in Ukraine and stop its
bombing campaign.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>There should be a
cease-fire and negotiations to end the war.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Prolonging the war in Ukraine, however, is US policy. That makes it important
for people on the left to understand the sources of this policy, and
particularly the purpose and role of NATO, as the debate highlighted in Michael
Kazin's article <a href="https://portside.org/2023-03-23/reject-left-right-alliance-against-ukraine">"Eject the Left Right Alliance Against Ukraine"</a>
demonstrates. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Kazin repeats ideas about
NATO and the U.S. role in the world that are historically wrong, and which lead
to support for an increasingly war-oriented U.S. foreign policy.</p>
<p class="MsoNormal"> </p>
<p class="MsoNormal">In the first paragraph of his article, Kazin states:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>"When, twenty years later, American
Communists backed the Soviet Union’s crushing of the Hungarian Revolution of
1956, they shoved their party firmly and irrevocably to the margins of
political life, which opened up space for the emergence of a New Left that
rejected imperial aggressors of all ideological persuasions."<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It is an important statement because Kazin
is, in fact, taking us back in history to the era in which NATO was formed, and
to the costs of the Cold War to the left.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>This is a necessary journey.</p>
<p class="MsoNormal"> </p>
<p class="MsoNormal">At the time of the Hungarian uprising, the U.S. Communist
Party had already been decimated by waves of repression.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Its leaders were in Federal prison, and its
activity was virtually illegal.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Many of
its members who remained had chosen, wisely or not, to go underground.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>While the events in Hungary did lead some
members to leave, state repression had already made support for socialism and
communism in the U.S very dangerous.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It
was this repression that led, a decade after Hungary, to an opening for
organizing a New Left.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It also led to a
left marked by a combination of support for radical social change and fear of
communism and the Soviet Union.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Opposing
NATO was not on the agenda of the New Left, at least not in the U.S.</p>
<p class="MsoNormal"> </p>
<p class="MsoNormal">As left activists, we often ignore our own history as it led
to this period, and that has fostered illusions about the nature of NATO and
the intent of U.S. foreign policy.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>At
the end of World War Two the U.S. intensified its historic effort to stop the
advance of communist and socialist parties.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>After the war they were very popular, having led the resistance to
Nazism, and in Asia and Africa, the resistance to colonialism.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In European countries, especially France and
Italy, the US fought to keep the left out of power, setting up anti-communist
unions, parties and intelligence projects. </p>
<p class="MsoNormal"> </p>
<p class="MsoNormal">As communist and socialist parties became governing ones in
the parts of eastern Europe under Soviet control, the U.S. instituted the
Marshall Plan to reestablish the capitalist economies of western Europe.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In 1949 the U.S. formed a military alliance
against the Soviets - the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, or NATO.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Its purpose from the beginning was to roll
back socialism as it existed in the USSR and eastern Europe, and to prepare for
war.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In an even larger sense, its purpose
was to protect capitalism as a system, and a world order in which the U.S.
corporate elite was dominant.</p>
<p class="MsoNormal"> </p>
<p class="MsoNormal">In the U.S. the labor movement split on the issue of war or
peace with the Soviet Union.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>When Henry
Wallace and the Progressive Party ran for President on a platform of peace in
1948, many leftwing unions and union activists supported him.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They passed resolutions opposing the Marshall
Plan, and after NATO was established, against a war policy.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It is no coincidence that the expulsion of
the left led unions from the CIO, and the destruction of most, took place at this
time.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Opposing the Marshall Plan and
NATO were key accusations used to drive the left out of our labor
movement.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"> </p>
<p class="MsoNormal">For the next 40 years, until the Soviet Union fell, NATO heightened
the war danger in Europe.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Its military
strategy was directed at the containment and eventual rollback of the Soviet
Union, and NATO faced widespread popular resistance.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Putting Pershing missiles in Europe, for
instance, was met with demonstrations of millions of people in the streets there,
and here in the U.S. too.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>At the same
time, the policy of encirclement of the Soviet Union, and then China, led to
creating other alliances, like SEATO and CENTO, organized with the same
purpose.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The U.S. used containment
alliances to fight the wars in Korea, Vietnam, Malaya the Philippines and other
countries, and those wars all had a clear class purpose.</p>
<p class="MsoNormal"> </p>
<p class="MsoNormal">NATO from the beginning has been an instrument of class
power - the corporate class of the U.S., with its partners in Europe.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>While military budgets and wars are certainly
profitable, NATO's purpose hasn't just been lining billionaires' pockets.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Military power has been the ultimate guarantee
of political and economic power.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"> </p>
<p class="MsoNormal">After the Soviet Union fell, NATO strategy changed, but not
its purpose of maintaining the class power of those who have historically
controlled the alliance. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It provided a
useful vehicle for conducting wars to maintain and project their power - in Yugoslavia,
Libya, Iraq, Afghanistan and elsewhere.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Today's
NATO strategy is ultimately directed at war with Russia and China, its
historical targets for encirclement. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Such a war would lead to the deaths of
millions of people, and conceivably lead to a nuclear exchange and the end of
human life on the planet.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"> </p>
<p class="MsoNormal">During the Cold War the prevention of nuclear war rested on
the idea of the mutual coexistence of two social systems - capitalism and
socialism. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Even in that era, NATO's
purpose of containment and rollback contradicted that goal.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Now Russia is no longer a socialist country,
and China's hybrid system is not the socialist antithesis to capitalism of
decades ago.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In this context, has NATO
become the vehicle for protecting the interests of one group of capitalists in
a world where their control is diminishing?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>A movement for peace in the United States has to come to grips with this
question in order to prevent war and create the space for social
transformation, in this country and internationally.</p>
<p class="MsoNormal"> </p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Later in his piece Kazin states that "In the aftermath
of the Soviet Union’s demise, the expansion of NATO may well have been too
hasty. But not one of its newer members has done anything to threaten Putin’s
regime."<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The problem of NATO is not
whether it expanded too quickly, but its purpose.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Why did it expand to begin with, as countries
that once had been part of a socialist USSR became independent capitalist
states?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This should have been a
fundamental question for the left here in the U.S., where this system of
alliances was established and where it is still controlled.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The continuing impact of the Cold War on the
left helps explain why this expansion took place with virtually no outcry or
discussion.</p>
<p class="MsoNormal"> </p>
<p class="MsoNormal">The possibility of much bigger wars than Ukraine is on the
horizon.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>U.S. and NATO generals openly
call for preparing for war with China, and for continuing their policy of
encirclement.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>NATO controls the military
machine that would be the vehicle for waging that war.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Calling for ending NATO, because of its purpose and use, is
a legitimate demand.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It has a long
history in the left in the U.S. and Europe, and the reasons for making this
demand come from the rhetoric of NATO itself.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>An uncritical assumption that NATO really has no class purpose, or that
it poses no danger to people seeking fundamental social change, does not square
with its history.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></p>
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