IN BAJA CALIFORNIA I LEARNED THAT WORKERS HAVE RIGHTS
The Story of Natalia Bautista
Told to David Bacon
The Journal of Transborder Studies, #2 Summer 2014
Natalia Bautista was born in a Mixteco family that had
migrated to north Mexico to work as farm laborers. She became involved in the strikes that
changed the conditions for workers in Baja California in the 1980s, and today
lives in Santa Maria, where she is a community organizer. She told the story of those strikes to David
Bacon.
Natalia Bautista talks to a Mixtec family living in an apartment complex in Santa Maria. In the spring and summer they work picking strawberries.
Well I am from Oaxaca.
I have always stated that because my mother is from Santiago Tiña and my
father is from Rancho Diego Mixtepec.
But my parents left Oaxaca in the 70's.
They moved to Veracruz to work in the sugar cane fields and that is
where I was born.
My parents are farm workers. They left their hometown due to economic
problems, just like everyone else. They
first moved to Veracruz, and from there the moved to Sinaloa and stayed there
for a while. They then left to Sonora
and eventually came to Baja California Norte.
When we arrived I was already six years old. That is where I have my first memories of
growing up and seeing my parents work. I
remember my father working at a ranch by the name of Rancho Caña. That is where we grew up.
Cucumber pickers, migrant farm workers from Oaxaca, on the back of a pickup truck, waiting to be taken to the fields to work.
We first arrived in a little town named Vicente
Guerrero. My father rented a small house
from a family from Jalisco. He worked in
the fields just outside the neighborhood.
My father then met the owner of the ranch and asked if we could live
there. I don't know the details, but
that's where we ended up. My father
built a small house out of cardboard and covered it with plastic.
We stayed in that house for four years, as long as my father
worked on that ranch. We wouldn't have
left if my father hadn't been fired. I
remember him coming home telling us we had to leave. My father, my brother and other workers then
refused to get out until they were compensated.
That is the first time I remember hearing that workers had rights and
could organize.
A young boy getting ready to go into the field to pick tomatoes on the ranch of the Santa Cruz Packing Co., owned by the Castañeda family.
Those topics weren't covered in school. In fact, I didn't attend school very
much. I only went up to third
grade. I remember not passing first
grade on two occasions because I didn't speak Spanish. Learning the alphabet was difficult for me.
It was something completely foreign from what we spoke at home. My parents were Mixteco, so we only spoke our
language. I began working when I was
eight, picking brussels sprouts with my aunt and mother.
My father was fired after having organized the other
workers. I don't recall if it was my
father or brother who first realized they had to organize. I remember them traveling to Ensenada to seek
support. I would listen to them talk and
I remember they said they'd met with a woman named Norma, from an organization
that would support their efforts. They
held their meetings and completed the paperwork to ask for compensation. The company finally paid them and my father
and brother pooled their money to purchase a small plot of land. That is where we grew up, in the Benito
Juarez neighborhood. The majority of
those receiving compensation moved there.
My brother still lives there.
Isabel Zaragoza and her infant daughter Lagoberta, live in a labor camp in Vicente Guerrero, a town in the San Quintin Valley. She and her husband arrived a few months ago from Oaxaca. They work as migrant farm workers in the fields, picking tomatoes.
As a kid, you just like being in the mix when adults are
talking. When you're young, you try to
become involved in adult conversations, and it was interesting to me. I remember my father and brother
organizing. That's when I learned that
workers had rights, and you couldn't simply let them go and treat them like
animals. When my father told us that he
had been compensated and we were moving, I remember thinking, "Wow, this
works and it's a right." I walked
away thinking that we were humans. The
people who moved with us were like-minded folks, with similar ideas and goals.
Later they all came together to fight for electricity and
running water. I learned you had to keep
fighting and organizing in order to improve your living conditions. When we first moved, we had to a walk long
distance for clean water. We would carry
our clothing to wash it at the water source.
Everyone began to talk about the need for electricity and water. Soon after, folks from Sinaloa who were
familiar with organizing came to help.
They encouraged us to also think about our rights as farm workers.
Marcial Sayas Flores, a disabled farmworker, lives in a labor camp for migrants owned by a wealthy rancher, Don Daniel Gonzalez.
The organizers who came were from CIOAC [the
Confederacion Independente de Obreros Agricolas y Campesinos - the Independent
Confederation of Farm Workers and Farmers] -- the Garcia brothers, Benito and
Fernando. My father knew them because
their parents were also from San Juan Mixtepec.
My father offered our house as a place to meet. By then, they had already organized workers
in various camps. It seemed to happen so
fast -- by the time I realized it, they were already painting signs, making
banners and talking about a grand march.
It was very exciting.
This happened around 1985. I was young, probably 13 or 14 years
old. I really don't know how to explain
it, but the next thing I knew there were lots of people from Ensenada and
Tijuana coming over to the house. Now
that I analyze it as an adult, I realize the majority were from the Mexican
Socialist Party. I met a lot of them. They came to offer support and help in any
way they could. They supported the workers
in various ways, but it was basically a conversation of ideas. I contributed by serving food and
coffee.
Celerino Garcia, the brother of Benito Garcia and the first Mixtec indigenous candidate, of the Party of the Democratic Revolution, for the Mexican Federal Chamber of Deputies from the Valle de San Quintin in Baja California.
Finally the day of the march arrived. We all participated and nobody worked. The strike was very impressive. It was huge and spread through the entire
Vicente Guerrero neighborhood. There
were different labor camps involved. It
began with the workers from Rancho del Mar and then a neighboring ranch. They agreed that nobody would show up for
work, and if someone did, they would throw tomatoes at them until they stopped
working. Most elected to participate in
the march, so I didn't see anyone pelted with tomatoes with my own eyes. You had to participate because it was for
your rights. All the workers from the
different companies met in the middle to form a large group.
In those times, they were asking for a salary increase
and better working conditions. They also
asked for better treatment from the foremen, a set lunch period and for buckets
that weren't so heavy. The most
important request was for a salary increase.
Back then they were asking for 1,500 pesos. That was before the devaluation of the
peso. The strike won higher wages and
transportation for the workers. They
were first transported in the large tomato containers, but after the strike
they were transported in buses.
Beatriz Chavez, a farm worker organizer for CIOAC, cheers at the last rally of of Celerino Garcia's election campaign. She was later imprisoned for her activity defending the housing rights of farm workers.
The CIOAC organization set up shop there permanently as a
labor union. They fought for labor
rights of farm workers. And the union received support from the political party
leaders. The political party established
itself with the workers after the strike.
It became a partnership, where workers felt they could be part of the
union that helped protect their rights, and also affiliate themselves with the
party.
In those days, I think both the union and political party
were fundamental. The party wasn't there
solely for your vote. It was a party
that worked in support of the workers and the union. If there was a work stoppage having to do
with labor, the party was there to help.
Party leaders were intimately involved.
You have a right to organize, but you need a labor group to back up your
ideas.
Celedonio Marcelo Raja, a farm worker, at, the last rally of of Celerino Garcia's election campaign. Marcelo said he was 102 years old, and remembered the events of the Mexican Revolution.
When they met with large groups of workers, they spoke
more about labor rights. At the
organization level, then they talked more about ideas. Party leaders would speak to the workers
about the government system and talked about struggles around the world, like
the labor struggles in Russia and Nicaragua.
I remember being in awe after hearing them speak. I felt that they understood what was
happening in the world, and that my ideas were important. I was very impressed. Party leaders spoke of changing the system
and establishing a new and different government. I imagined a marvelous place, but we're still
waiting for that.
The CIOAC activists that helped organize came up from
Sinaloa, Sonora and San Quentin. But
they were originally from Mixtepec in Oaxaca. In Oaxaca people have had their
own struggles. Two years ago I
accompanied my father to Oaxaca and asked him how the town's school was
built. He said it was a community
struggle. After so many people started
migrating, they encountered a different world with different rules and structure.
Hieronyma Hernandez picks strawberries in a crew of indigenous Oaxacan farm workers, in a field near Santa Maria. Many members of the crew are Mixtec migrants from San Vincente in Oaxaca. Mexico. The earth in the beds is covered in plastic, while in between the workers walk in sand and mud.
I think that is where the idea of change came about. Benito and Fernando say that idea began in
Sinaloa. They worked in the fields and
experienced what all workers faced. They
met people involved in the party with the same ideas, who were already trying
to mobilize workers. That is how they
became involved in the movement in Sinaloa, and eventually in Baja California.
After the strike I got married. I fell in love with the movement, the
ideology and everything else. Two years
after meeting him, I married Benito. He
continued his participation in the party.
I still held on to the dream of a large labor union that was able to
improve the lives and working conditions of workers.
Natalia Bautista in her home in Santa Maria, surrounded by paintings by Mexican muralist Diego Rivera.
Fernando and I still have that dream, but he did the hard
work. He was one of the most influential
people of that time and movement. He
gets little recognition, but he did all the work. He would give his life for the movement, and
is the one who wouldn't sleep so that he could reach the most isolated
camps. He kept the idea of organizing
the workers alive and would constantly remind them that they had rights. The brothers split up after a few years
because Fernando returned to Sinaloa and Benito stayed in Baja.
I supported my partner, whether it was a march, meeting,
campaign or the presidential campaign of Cuauhtémoc Cardenas. That was the first time we thought we were
going to have real change in this country.
It wasn't going to be total change, but a real movement forward. He was our hope, because all of the groups
aligned with him. We really thought we
were going to do it. My children and I
helped spread his message. We
tried. We won. We actually won. But those in power didn't permit the change.
The people still resist and want a different government.
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